Lydia McLane Johnston to Eliza Johnston Hughes, April 8, 1864

[Lydia Milligan Sims McLane Johnston at Dalton, Georgia, to Eliza Mary Johnston Hughes at [?], April 8, 1864. Box 24, Robert Morton Hughes Papers, Special Collections and University Archives, Patricia W. and J. Douglas Perry Library, Old Dominion University Libraries, Norfolk, VA 23529. This is my rough transcription. Lily's handwriting is challenging to decipher. Paragraph breaks added for easier reading.]

Dalton Geo April 8th [1864]

My dear Lizzie

The sight of your handwriting is refreshing -- your long letter is just received & I cannot tell you how great a treat it was when from you . . . something of the den and so far from us. The general received your letter, two months ago, & replied . . . at once, thanking you for your present. 

[T]here is some fatality about our letters. I wrote to you & then cousin Sally last summer, when you were in such terrible affliction, & where I felt for you, & with you in that affliction for you know how truly I loved & . . . that dear one, that true and noble friend of my husband, & mine, his memory will be as dear loved as that of my father, so long as I live. I can appreciate your feelings dear Lizzie, as to myself I have never . . . myself to think of that terrible enemy, or speak of him. I have suffered severely for one long year (no one knows how much) at the acts of tyranny, injustice & . . . to my husband. I have not forgiven . . . I have resolved to be silent. [T]ime has marked out, & will bring all to light & "tremble . . . to the Earth must evil" . . . 

General who has so quietly borne all, for the sake of the . . . spoke one word, of . . . when his own State, for which he would have given the last ounce of his heart's blood turned against him.

I am so glad you liked the report. I thought  it great, so clear, a child could have understood it, as simple & true as his own brave heart.

I wish I could see you, I have so many things I need to talk . . . you. So much to say perhaps tis better not, we are here more among strangers than with friends or sympathizing kindred. I had a year of trial, dear Lizzie, & a very sad one it has been, but tis . . . & I am rejoicing the more for the . . . I hope the pride & gratification of seeing the General in a position, where he is loved & . . ., & where I hope he may be able, to do & dare, what we feel he can, your heart my darling I know responds to this & I must not be so egotistical, but tis a great temptation. 

[B]ut before I close I must say how much I prayed, the bold & generous support, given him by the Examiner . . . long month of darkness where there was nothing known, but . . . from a garbled correspondence, published for a sad . . . the good & useful always withheld I am in hopes that time will bring light, a letter, the reply to Mr. Davis seen in that publication which was not given to Congress, when the correspondence was called for.    

I am here for only a few days. I have located myself in Atlanta, have hired three rooms in a pretty little house there. Kind friends have sent me a bed, chairs & tables enough to make it very comfortable. Mrs. Major Mason (Mary E. Campbell) has one room . I . . . the third is our . . . & sitting room having the General's map chest, we opened it, & have gone regularly to housekeeping on a small table. Col. Ewell of the Gen staff occupied the remaining room in the house & messed with us. [T]his is a . . . & great pleasure . . . [h]e has his office in the basement. 

I found it impossible . . . on our means in boarding houses or Hotels any longer, & . . . as the only way of getting along. [W]e live on very little as you can imagine provisions are scarce . . . very simple . . . suffered. I feel independents & . . . the army . . . here frequently from the Gen . . . 

I have determined to try it a while, at least until July when George comes home from school, by that time I trust events will have developed some brighter prospects in the future . . . perhaps can there be such . . . in store for me?

How I long to see you. [B]ut for this housekeeping arrangement I would be tempted to remove & have the comfort of seeing you all once more. [D]ear cousin Sally . . . asked to see her. [D]id she . . . from me I think of her . . . Floyd must be a great comfort to her from his name & his likeness to her little lost angel. [W]hat losses that noble woman has endured in this life. [B]ut what a gratification to feel . . . bright . . . daughter. 

[D]o you remember Mary E. Campbell; it is she who is Mrs. Mason . . . wife!! He is with the Gen & she wanted to keep near her husband, her family being in Richmond. We entered into this temporary arrangement.

I often hear from my sister Mrs. Tiffany who is in Europe to receive a trunk from Paris a complete outfit, a great godsend to me . . . the things . . . in these sad & hard times. 

What does Mr. Hughes think of the war. Has he any paper of its termination during our life time? I wish I could hope . When from your . . . to care of Col. B. S. Ewell . . . & there Atlanta Geo. would reach me & give . . . attached to you. 

[G]ive our . . . love to our dear dear cousin Sally, Nicketti. In family how is sister Louisa's health? My love . . . Mr. Hughes & all of the family.

God bless you dear Lizzie

. . . your . . . friend & aunt

L M Johnston 


[The General = Joseph Eggleston Johnston (1807-1891)
Lydia Milligan Sims McLane Johnston (1822-1887)
Lizzie = Eliza Mary Johnston Hughes (1825-1909)
Cousin Sally = Sarah "Sally" Buchanan Preston Floyd (1802-1879)
True and noble friend = John Buchanan Floyd (1806-1863)
Terrible enemy = Jefferson Davis (1808-1889)
Floyd = Floyd Hughes (1861-1940), Lizzie's son
Mr. Hughes = Robert William Hughes (1821-1901), Lizzie's husband
Mary Ellen Campbell (1842-1870),  daughter of former Supreme Court Justice John Archibald Campbell (1811-1889); A. P. Mason = Arthur Pendleton Mason (1835-1893) staff officer who often served with Johnston. Mary married A. P. in Richmond on December 22, 1863
Col. B. S. Ewell = Benjamin Stoddert Ewell (1810-1894), President of the College of William & Mary and member of Joe Johnston's staff
George =  possibly George Ben Johnston (1853-1916)
Mrs. Tiffany = Sarah "Sally" Jones McLane Tiffany (1820-1887), married to Henry Tiffany (circa 1820-?)
Nicketti = Nicketti Buchanan Floyd Johnston (1819-1908)
Louisa = Louisa Smith Bowen Johnston (1800-1873)]

[Many thanks to William Myers, Mary Davy and Sally Young for their ongoing research collaboration.]

Mary Louisa Mitchell Binckley to John Milton Binckley, November 17, 1864

Eastville Nov. 17th 1864

I having nothing particular to say, my dearie, but just write a line so that you may not feel so very lonesome Sunday. Other days, I suppose you are too busy for sentiment. Truly, Fortune is never so hard as when she separates those whose daily life should be spent together. And yet I do not complain, but yield cheerfully, for Fortune is a kinder mistress than Fate.

We did wish to wait Tuesday and see the boat start but Nellie and I got so chilled with that keen wind that we thought it most prudent to start home; and you know how it is here, a mile or so inland, sheltered from the wind it becomes quite warm. How we did miss you that night. We wouldn't let mother B. go upstairs until late bedtime, and all drew close around the fire, and talked as fast as possible to keep off the "chill heart." 

Yesterday, we were all very busy: mother and father walked to John Scott's to see the condition of his cabbage & pronounced it unfit for kraut, then they went to see the Fisher ladies, who, it is said, will certainly go South, and I think I may be able to get some articles of furniture from them, and probably also a side-saddle. I have written to John Kellam about his horse. Father, I think, will soon be not only reconciled, but well satisfied, so don't let yourself be troubled on that score.

Could you, when you see Dr. Pinkney [William Pinkney, 1810-1883] to give him those little things, could you speak to him about the "Dr. [Chauncey] Colton business?" Mother and I intended to write, but we think you can explain what we wish by word of mouth. If he thinks well of the idea, he will doubtless not only take up a collection himself, but induce Mr. Hall and Mr. Keeling to do the same. Only I think that Dr. Colton's name better not be mentioned to them. Let it rest sacred with our dear Dr. Pinkney. Then if Mr. Zevely [A.N. Zevely, third assistant postmaster general of the U.S.] will frank the letter enclosing the money to me, it will be sure to come straight, and will not be earmarked as Mr. Zevely has written to me once or twice. Then I will enclose it again, direct in a feigned hand, and put in here.

Oh Milton do make Mac[C]artney sensible that those indifferent bottles were the best I could get. Nice bottles cannot be had in Eastville for love or money. And give my warm love to Mrs. Young and the children. You will find a letter to Mrs. Smith in the tray of your trunk. I could find no room to put in your dressing gown & hope you won't need it before Christmas. 

I will look for a letter soon. Poor Nellie talks of you all the time. Complains bitterly of your absence. Goodbye for a day or so.  I will will [sic] write such scrawls as this as long as I am able. All send love.

Your own wife.

[Mary Louisa Mitchell Binckley at Eastville, Virginia, to John Milton Binckley at Washington, D.C., November 17, 1864]. 

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.

Jane Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel to John Milton Binckley, 10th September 1864

Hollybrook [Holly Brook, Eastville, Virginia], 10th Sept, [1864].

I just feel like writing a letter to you, my dear Milton, without having anything special to say. It begins to be time for you to be coming here again, considering you were to be gone not more than a fortnight. I want to see you very much, and I really believe all the others do too. I hope you don't intend to wait until you see "poetic justice" meted out to Gen: Terry. We divine that your object at present must be to being him to judgment for his sins -- but, as the process is likely to be a slow one, I think you will get tired of waiting.

We are all going on in the usual humdrum style.  Farm matters are just about as promising as they were -- No, I believe somewhat better. The potatoes look pretty fair (excuse this blotted paper, as the article is scarce), the turnips look well, though young still, and the cotton has begun to blow.

I can't help thinking that things will not be so bad as you anticipate. But I can't speak confidently, not being able to see much of the crops. The intense heat, for some three weeks past, has kept me a close prisoner. I dare not go out in the morning, by reason of the dew, nor in the evening, for fear of damp air. The middle part of the day is hot enough to bring bilious fever, ague, & Typhoid, all in a bunch. Still we all escape, though everybody around nearly is sick. Your mother is wonderfully well and sprightly. It seems teems that "life in the barn" was of essential benefit to her -- she has been more out of her own room, more active & busy, than I ever saw her: has thriven on her labors   on the fruit-drying line. Mary is in quite good health just now. The dear little ones have not been sick at all, & I trust they will get through the season without suffering. Nelly looks better than when you left us, is fatter. Little Harvey looks a young Hercules, & roars like a young "short-horn."

yours in love,
J.W.M. 

[Jane Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel to John Milton Binckley]. Photo: link here. Holly Brook, U.S. Route 13 vicinity, Eastville, Northampton County, VA.  Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA.

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.

Jane Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel to "My dear children," 18th July 1864

Cessford, 18th July [1864].

My dear children,

We have been extremely unhappy on your account for the last few days -- apprehending that you must be in a condition of much perplexity, excitement and discomfort. A thousand times have we wished you here -- and lamented that any circumstances should have arisen to prevent your coming down with Harvey. We have been hearing, from hour to hour, the most contradicting reports -- some even going to state that Washington was on fire -- the next, perhaps, would be that it had never been attacked -- then, on Saturday, we got news that the Confederates were at Meridian Hill. It is now asserted, &, I suppose, with truth, that they were only on a raid -- a retaliation of Hunter's -- I trust that they were more merciful than he showed himself towards my old friends. I am afraid to hear from them.

I hope this will find you all quiet and well. Pray drop me one line to set my mind at rest. I have written to Loulou once (the day week) & since then sent messages through Addie. I trust those letters have been received, otherwise she would be disturbed about Nelly. Let her now dismiss her fears: the dear little one has improved so fast that I could see the difference each morning. Her cough is nearly gone -- no longer attended with pain or sickness -- she does not cough now more than three or four times in 24 hours, & then but slightly. When she came to me, her whole system appeared in disorder. She was very bilious -- stomach in a state of constant irritation, so that she could not eat: and she had hardly strength to walk. Now there seems to be a thorough renovation. She is full of life, & strength, mischief and fun. Can eat corn bread & bacon, & is hungry from morn to night. She runs about a great deal, and would go out a great deal more, were it not for the dust, which is intolerable. No rain yet -- not even dew, for these six weeks. 

Pembroke, near Eastville, Virginia*

Yet, in spite of the drought, the weather is delightfully cool -- the nights delicious -- I think the fresh (or rather salt) air has done much to restore Nelly. I took her down to Pembroke the other day, & gave her a bath in the bay -- she remembered every spot -- told me where to look out for the fish-hawk's nest, & asked about the eagle that robbed him of his victuals. Milton would have been charmed with her remarks on the "beautiful sound the pine trees made."  

I intended to have gone to the bayside with her again, towards the close of the week, but had to attend to the selling and digging of the potatoes. Harvey had gone to Will Robbins' to fish, & left me to do the business. Tell Milton I sold them for 4.75 clear of all expenses; which was more than the first brought. No vessels were going to Baltimore,on account of the panic. So we had to sell to the Commissary here. The drought cut short the crop. The soldiers stole five or six barrels before they were dug -- so we had but 34 barrels. If it don't rain soon, we have a lively prospect of starvation. 

Harvey is out to-day looking for a place for next year. The Fitchet farm is now out of the question, as Dunn has called for reinforcements, and has caused a thousand soldiers to be taken from Grant's army, and posted at Cherrystone. Of course, there will be no fences, or even dwellings left there. Our friends are desirous for us to get Markon: but I want to be near the Bay. Williams' place is confiscated, & we have been urged to take it rent free. We might do so,  & quietly pay rent to the old lady -- bit it is a very poor farm. There are plenty of place for rent, but all too large, except for the two mentioned above. Indications point to the fact that it is Moore who is on treaty for Pembroke, but there is nothing definite yet. It seems he can't get his house finished this year: he won't spend another winter in the kitchen, so needs the old dwelling. 

Nelly wants papa to know that she is a good girl nearly all the time. She is docile and manageable, except an occasional fit of ill humor about her dress. I have to keep her in long sleeves, it is so cold. I must now stop so it is now time to mail my letter. With kind love to Mrs. Binckley, I am, as ever, dear children, your loving Mother. 

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.

*Link here.
   

Harvey Mitchell/Michel to John Milton and Mary Louisa Binckley, June 5th, 1864

Harvey Michel [Mitchell] to John Milton and Mary Louisa Binckley.

Eastville, June 5th 1864

My beloved child,

I have been intending to write you for some time, but my writing hand has been given to fits of swelling here of late and has prevented me. Even now, I write in pain.

Your mother and myself busy ourselves working in the garden & try to live as near as possibly on nothing; milk being out principal diet. Our cow gives just enough to furnish us with a little butter and plenty of milk. We indulge ourselves in one cup of tea each, in the morning, & none at night. When strawberries came we had some, & Jane could not refrain from making up four pounds for your use when you come down this summer. I expect to come up for you when I send my potatoes to market. I have a fine crop of that Irish root, & if I get a fine price, it will enable me to bring up arrears down here. My dear child I long to see you & the children. Tell my dear Nellie, I hope it will not be long before I have her in my arms once more.

My dear Son,

You made me believe that you were soon to write me a letter. You asked me not to answer George Mitchell's letter until I hear from you. Of course I looked for one directly. I have not yet answered his letter & will not until I hear from you. I shall have almost ten acres of corn. Three acres of early potatoes. One acre cabbage. One acre an[d] a half of fall potatoes. One acre of rutabaga turnips. A large sweet potatoe [sic] patch. A small cotton patch & a good garden full of vegetables. I can not tell how much kraut I shall throw into market but can approximate it closely. Dr. Smith will have one acre in cabbage, which I am to cut up on the shares. I get half & find labor & casks. This will  give 25 casks for my share from him. My own acre will give me 50 if I cut it up into kraut. Now if I get as much per cask as I did last year I shall make more with my kraut than I shall with all my other crop besides. I shall put my tall kraut in ten gallon kegs, ironbound. We have tomatoes blooming. 

If I come up for Louisa & the children may I take them down with me? 

Give my love to your mother & to all enquiring friends. God bless you all. Kiss Nellie for her Grand Pa. I have not strength in my hand to write another word.
Your affectionate father,
H. Michel

N.B. May the Devil sieze [sic] upon all Politicks & politicians say I. I would not give my prospect for a crop for the Presidency. I can go to bed & sleap [sic]. Can he, as they who follow him?

Tell Sue her young companions are complaining of her for not writing to them. My love to her. Oh my hand.

Cessford, Eastville, Northampton County, Virginia. Photo by Frances Benjamin Johnston (1864-1952). Carnegie Survey of the Architecture of the South (Library of Congress). Link here.

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.  

Jane Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel to John Milton Binckley, 6th July 1864

"When I was going to Colorado -- J.M.B. [John Milton Binckley]"

Cessford, 6th July 1864

My dear son,

Yours of June 29th & 30th were received yesterday morning, and I hastened down to Cherrystone with carriage, to bring home Harvey and Nelly. There I spent the whole day in a state of anxious expectation -- straining my eyes across the "shining water" to catch the first glimpse of the little steamer, but all in vain. No boat appeared, and when the sun had almost set, I reluctantly turned homeward, sad & disappointed. A boat came across in the night, but they were not in it, and I feel completely at a loss what to think. To-morrow, I shall go the Landing again. 

Before your letter came, I completely expected to see your mother & Mary, as well as the other two, ere the close of the day. What a revolution the contents of those two sheets of paper made in my mind!  I am filled with new feelings, in which sorrow and solicitude predominate. This undertaking which seems almost decided on, appears to me very serious. The immense distance, & the long absence render it formidable. And oh! [M]y dear Milton -- how, then, must it be with wife and mother? How are they to bear it? Yet, if it be right, I know you will go, and we must all submit as best we may. My poor child will have a lone and aching heart: but she has that fortitude which a firm reliance on god produces, and she will sustain the trial as a Christian.

You need not the assurance that I will do all that lies in my power to promote the comfort of the dear ones left behind and to make them happy -- Tis true my ability is very limited. I have lost much of my original cheerfulness -- indeed I often feel a mere wreck.

Personal exertion is never troublesome to me, however, and my greatest delight is to work for those I love -- but to proceed to matters of business. your enquiries can be answered, for the most part, only by a statement of reasonable expectations. So many uncertainties attend our little affairs, that I cannot count certainly on any thing which is not made & sold.

To begin with the worst, I will state our indebtedness. The next payment on Pembroke amount[s] to $238. Other debts to about $350. This includes here, food & clothing for Betsey & Ted to the end of the year. For Isaac, up to this time. We shall now simply pay him only by the week when work is required. Wages have risen, with the decline of paper money -- men get a dollar a day.

As to how much we will owe, up to this day year, I can't say -- but I trust we shall be able to wipe out debts now due and have something left for the rest of the year -- how much of course depends on the success of the crops now in progress. And, for next year, no calculations can be made, further than that we will work hard, and do our best.  We can make a crop of Spring potatoes, I trust, for funds during the summer. 

I subjoin the probable profits of what we are now raising. Potatoes (two acres and a third) ready to dig say $150 -- this may be too little or too much according to the yield & price. The severe drought has cut them short, but, on the other hand, it increases the price. I refused 4.50 per barrel yesterday. We have ten acres of fine corn, two of inferior. The moderate calculation put it at 5 or 6 barrels per acre. Call our share $250.

Rent from Pembroke about $100.
Fall potatoes (just planted over two acres) $80
Kraut $120
Turnips $20
Fodder, sweet & Irish potatoes, beans, cabbage, turnips & dried fruit, we shall have in sufficient quantity for our own use.
On hand 40 dollars worth of supplies for the table. 
We want no clothing until winter. Then shall need $15 or thereabouts a apiece.

As to the expenses of the table, it is very hard to say what they might be. We have learned to live on so little that it is not a fair basis for estimate. Harvey & I (apart from the servants) have for several months past, spent less than ten dollars (both) for what we eat. That is, five dollars each per month. But I don't count the milk & butter which form our chief food. Of course, we live as cheaply as it is possible to do. I have paid for most of what we bought by selling things from the garden of late. I don't intend to be quite so scant hereafter. One thing to be considered is, that we are compelled to have little variety of meats on our table as the country now don't afford them -- we have only bacon, beef & "marine productions" -- fish, crabs & clams: & oysters in their season. We have fruit just now. 

I think if your folk are willing to live plainly (not as scantily as we have done lately), that $20 a month will be ample for them all. Of course, the sum required will depend on their views of what is necessary. I find we can be satisfied with very little. 

There are several farms for rent. We have not intended to remain at Kerr's. It is not pleasant, since he [Dr. George Kerr, 1825-1892, owner of Cessford] has returned; nor would it be profitable, under his arrangements. We shall look out for a place at once as this is the month in which people here rent for the next year. I want to get near the bay, if we can find a suitable place. The Fitchet farm which you visited is vacant, & could be had cheap, but the soldiers camped at Cherrystone have done a vast amount of injury to the place, and are likely to ruin it. Otherwise it would be very desirable. It is rather hard to find a small farm in this quarter. 

In mentioning corn, I should have deducted enough for family use -- 36 bushels supply us and two servants for bread. About the same for a horse. I think, as far [as] my experience will make me to judge, that I gave a moderate estimate of our probable gains. Will write again shortly.

Best love to all
Your fondly attached
Jane

[p.s.] Farm expenses will depend on where we rent next year whether large or small place.  

Pictured at top: MAIN FACADE (OBLIQUE VIEW) - Cessford, U.S. Route 13, Eastville, Northampton County, VA.  Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. Link here.

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.  

Jane Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel to John Milton Binckley, 6th May 1864

Cessford, 6th May 1864

My dear Milton,

Your truly acceptable letter deserves a better reply than I feel capable of granting -- for I am weary and heartsick -- faint with anxiety and  dread. Even now some fatal shot may have robbed me of my child [William Manning Mitchell,  1840-1908]  or my brother [Joseph Eggleston Johnston, 1807-1891]. And I a thousand miles away, not even allowed the sad privilege of one last look. I have always felt that my place ought to have been in the midst of my suffering friends -- their dangers, toils & afflictions should have been mine too, and the hardest part of my lot, is this separation from those beloved ones to whom I could have given comfort and help in many a time of pain and trial. 

Milton, I ought to have spent all these years in the Hospitals of my own land -- there I could have done good: nature fitted me for a nurse, in scenes of danger, which would appal most women. What an unspeakable longing fills me now, to be beside our poor wounded heroes, to tend them day and night, and to alleviate, in some part, their sufferings. This has been & is the one thing I crave. God has seen fit to deny me, no doubt in Wisdom, but it has been such trial as none can know. That I who love my native land as the Jews of old did Jerusalem, should be utterly cut off from it! 

We are all, in this quarter, spending these days in torturing suspense -- almost every woman has a son, a husband, or a brother, in Lee's army. Poor Kate Smith! [H]ow I feel for her! [K]nowing that her husband is in hourly peril, & utterly unable to go to him, or to hear from him, & she, like myself, is surrounded by strangers -- that makes it worse.

But I did not intend to write in this strain. Consider it, I pray you, as alltogether involuntary -- the overflowing waters of a deep & troubled stream. You will bear me witness I rarely name my sorrows to any one now. What I wished to write about was a more pleasing theme -- viz. -- planning for daughter [Mary Louisa Mitchell, 1838-1930] and the little one [Nella Fontaine Binckley, 1860-1951] to come down ere long. 

At length I am at liberty to form plans for the summer. Dr. Colson has ascertained to his satisfaction, from the Provost himself, that no measures for the punishment of recusant ladies will be entered into, so long as they are quiet. So I may safely count upon being undisturbed -- as none of us are anxious to be made martyrs -- we only ask to be let alone. 

And now I turn at once to what I most anxiously desire -- to have my child with me. You say it does her good to be here -- and I believe it is a real enjoyment to her. I want you and her to make arrangements for her to come down as soon as possible. Harvey expects to go to Baltimore towards the close of this month, to dispose of his potatoes, & to purchase some supplies for the family. He will go in the sail vessel which will carry his "crops" -- but, if Louisa should prefer coming in the steamer, he will return by that conveyance. At all events, he will run over to Washington for a day or two, & will readily fall into her plans. Ask her to write me fully on the subject. I should be truly gratified, my dear Milton, if your mother [Charlotta Stocker Binckley, 1788-1877] would come down with L. I think her health would be benefited by the change, & I believe she would find much to enjoy in this part of the country. We have a circle of excellent society around us: & I am bold to say that any friend of mine will receive a cordial welcome here. I cannot promise her good fare, but we have plenty of cabbage & potatoes & beans -- so she will not starve, especially as milk is abundant now. The rosebugs have not eaten up all the fruit yet, & we hope to gave a good quantity. They have not left a flower, but their time is nearly out, & then the blossoms will put forth again with fresh beauty. I am so glad that you have secured the home you all love so well. This is a poor return for your long letter -- but til all I can do to-day. Harvey is about to write. God bless and keep you all. Your loving mammy.

Pictured at top: INTERIOR, PARLOR - Cessford, U.S. Route 13, Eastville, Northampton County, VA, Library of Congress. Link here.

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.  

Jane Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel to John Milton Binckley, 23rd March 1864

Cessford, 23rd March 1864

My dear Milton,

Your hurried note of 17th ins[tant] did not arrive in time to be answered by yesterday's mail. However, as the mail could not cross the bay, on account of the fierce equinoctial, it makes no difference. I am afraid that the Penninsular rote is blocked up now, as we had the heaviest fall of snow last night that I have ever seen here.  So, if there is delay, you will knows its cause. I am thankful for your offer to procure me a dispensation, and will gladly take advantage of it, provided I am not committed to remain under the Govt. till the end of the war, and give no pledge of fealty. I can only promise to be quiet as long as I am within its lines. One of the promises exacted here (by the Butler oath) is, "to do all you can to put down the rebellion, to refuse all aid to rebels, not to speak, or allow others in your presence to speak in favor of the rebels." "To hold no communication with the them."  You know I can't subscribe to these exactions. I would much rather be imprisoned, or sent to an island.

As to being sent South, Butler finds that so agreeable to the tastes of Southern women, that he is not likely "to throw the rabbit into the frost [forest?]." Perhaps, after all, no punishment will be inflicted on the recusant. We are told that many persons in Norfolk have avoided both oath & punishment. The notice requiring citizens to come forward has been posted in Eastville for some days, so is a fixed fact, but it says nothing as to the penalty of failing to obey. It distinctly states what will be the treatment of those who violate the oath, but says not a word as to those who refused it. Well, I am no afraid of their terms, whatever they be. I am only sorry to give trouble & disquiet to my friends. Harvey does not wish me to bind myself in this way. If any thing should make it necessary for me to go home, I must be unfettered. If Willie should need me, or if I should be left alone, Harvey desires me to go. And, if this war continues, he wishes & intends to leave the Northern dominions. So you see all I can do, is to promise to be quiet. If you can procure an exemption for me, it would be best to send it to me, not to any officers here. 

Say to my dear child that I entreat her to be calm, & leave me to God's care. You & she don't feel as I do in this matter -- perhaps, if you did, you would not think me mad, or obstinate. I must act according to my own sense of right. I do not reply to Louisa's questions as to her father because there is no probability of my being sent over. We have to the 20th April, as days of grace. All the ladies are in great tribulation. They mind it a great deal more than the men do. I must stop, or be too late. Most affectionately yours, J.

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.    

Jane Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel to Her Daughter Mary Louisa Binckley, 1863/1864

Jane Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel (somewhere in Virginia) to her daughter Mary Louisa Binckley, 1863/1864. This letter covers Jane's initial response to the immediate effects of emancipation, which is fascinating. 

Yours of the 1st ins[tant], my dear child, was received on Saturday, and gave us all great satisfaction. It was so good in you to take such pains in giving the details of all your doings, & explaining your plans for this winter. We all think your arrangements as to house & servant very judicious, & I trust all will work well. I am very sure it will be better for you to do your house-work, and pay for some of your sewing. I mean, it will be better for your health. If you can send me your "white seam" I shall be very happy in doing that for you this winter. Milton's shirts, your chemises, & any thing for the children I will do with the utmost pleasure. I have so little to make for Harvey & myself, that I shall have abundant time to work for you, my darling child, & it will be so pleasant for me to lighten your labors, & to save you a little expense.

Milton, in his letter to Mr. Moore, says he will probably come down shortly -- if he does, you might send me a bundle of work by him. I think he will find the land owners around here quite ready to listen to his  proposals now -- they  are completely at their wit's end: the sudden loss of nearly all their hands has utterly destroyed all their plans -- they are confused and bewildered, not knowing what way to turn. To give an instance, Mrs. Holland, who had eight servants in the house, has now but one negro left, & that one a child: Mrs. H. herself can't sweep the floor or make a hoe cake. Only think of dear old Mrs. Parker working with those delicate, shriveled hands, that never knew hard work when she was young -- poor poor old lady! I feel like working for her myself. However, I may be obliged to take hold of hard work at home, before long. All the slaves have been informed that they are free and it appears almost certain that  they will refuse service shortly -- some are working for their owners, for wages, but most have gone off to the camps. Old Mrs. Fitchet (whom you visited) killed herself the first day after the negroes went off, by over-exertion. All of the men are gone from this "neck" except Castro. He is hired by his master. The three Wm. Moores, Betsy, Harvey, & I, were engaged to-day in gathering cotton at Fern Cliff. Harvey & I are picking "on the shares" in order to gain enough to make stockings & comforts. It has become quite fashionable for ladies to gather cotton, whilst gentlemen pull corn, save potatoes, & drive wagons. Tell Helen that Frank & Alfred Parker rival each other in  the noble art of driving a cart.  I am thinking of setting up a school to teach cooking "in the lower branches."

Your messages to the servants gave great delight, & they all send "best love to Miss Lou & Nelly." Betsy cried all the day you went away -- actually could not eat: she  wants you if Milton comes soon, to get her a dress, to cost three dollars, will send you the money when he returns.

I am so heartily glad to hear that Mrs. Binckley is so well & so cheerful & active. I am sure she will be so much happier & healthier in a life of exertion (of  course moderate) then she was in  her solitary, sedentary way of living. I am greatly interested about Mrs. Lizzie Neale. Urge Milton to see if a pass can be got for her. Have you news from Fred? I am uneasy of his long silence. Sue is well again, & at study. All the neighbors send remembrances to you & Nelly. My love to all. 

Envelope addressed to John M. Binckley, Esq., Washington City, via Fortress Monroe. Stamped "10."

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.  

Raimondo Luraghi on Joseph E. Johnston

Raimondo Luraghi, Five Lectures on the American Civil War (1861-1865). Translated from the Italian by Sean Mark. John Cabot University Press. Distributed by University of Delaware Press, 2013.

Luraghi discusses American Civil War strategy within a greater historical context. He notes that the Confederacy only had to keep its armies from being "overpowered," that it did not need to "bring down the Union" (page 29) and so it had an essentially defensive task.

On the Vicksburg campaign: "Johnston's keen eye immediately spotted the danger: at his current rate, Grant would reach Vicksburg from the east, thus isolating the stronghold, which would surely fall shortly after" (page 49). "Unfortunately for the Confederates, Pemberton had no intention of obeying Johnston's sage advice" (Ibid.).

Luraghi notes that, after withdrawing from Jackson, "instead of moving east -- as might have been expected -- he [Johnston] had artfully and unexpectedly marched northwest (reproducing, on a smaller scale, General Mikhail Kutuzov's famous flank march against Napoleon at Moscow) so that his forces could join with Pemberton's, once the general had abandoned Vicksburg. . . (page 51).

Incisive coverage of the Atlanta campaign. On Johnston's role: "The Confederate general knew very well that an offensive would be precisely what Sherman was hoping for . . . In the campaign of 1864, he proved to be a real master of the tactical retreat and deserves to be remembered alongside such military leaders as Fabius Maximus, Raimondo Montecuccoli, Turenne, and Albert Kesselring" (page 56).

"What would happen next? Johnston's delaying tactics had been successful and had preserved his army, which was ready for battle" (page 57). However, he was replaced by Hood in the middle of the campaign. "Hood knew only one strategy: attack" (page 57).

Finally, the 1865 campaign. "'Old Joe' wasted no time and went on the offensive" (page 58). 

The comparable generals:
Fabius Maximus (circa 280-203 B.C.).
Raimondo Montecuccoli (1609-1680).
Henri de La Tour d'Auvergne, Vicomte de Turenne (1611-1675).
General Mikhail Kutuzov (1745-1813).
Albert Kesselring (1885-1960). 

Joe Johnston: Letter to "My Darling" Lydia McLane Johnston, May 20, 1864

On this date 150 years ago, General Joseph E. Johnston wrote a letter to Lydia McLane Johnston, his wife of nineteen years, from "Near Etowah bridge," in which he briefly explained the situation of the ongoing military campaign in Georgia. The original is archived in "Lydia McLane Johnston: Incoming Correspondence, 1845-1869," McLane-Fisher Family Papers, ca. 1800-1905 (MS 2403), Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore. (Thanks again to Addy Von DenToten for her field research on my behalf.) 

I cannot post a verbatim transcript without express permission, nor reproduce scanned copies of the letter here for the same reason. Instead, here's a brief overview.

Joe Johnston had pulled his army back to the Etowah River and prepared to meet again the forces of General William T. Sherman, who was coming at him with everything he had. In the letter, which shows evidence (by way of Johnston's handwriting) of having been written quickly, Johnston takes partial responsibility for the situation, and partly blames it on the tardiness of the release (by the high command) of reinforcements. This timing, he implies, prevented him from ordering an initial spoiling attack against Sherman. Also in the letter, he assures Lydia that he will not go out of his way to expose himself directly to enemy fire; that is, he is not deliberately trying to get himself killed. (He'd already been wounded in 1862 at Seven Pines, as well as during the US-Mexican War and Seminole Wars.)  He notes the peculiar nature of the campaign, involving networks of entrenchments, heavy skirmishing and careful maneuver. (The forces of U.S. Grant and R. E. Lee were fighting it out in Virginia at the same time, with more extended frontal assaults and heavier casualties).

Johnston's letter (May 20, 1864) was written five days after the Battle of Resaca, the one in which Ira B. Slack of the 85th Indiana was mortally wounded (previous post).  One of Sherman's charges from General Grant, his superior officer, and US President Abraham Lincoln was to "break up" (destroy) Johnston's army, and conversely, one of Johnston's main personal objectives was not to let that happen. Many of the veteran soldiers understood this dynamic. As J. E. Brant notes in History of the 85th Indiana Volunteer Infantry, Its Organization, Campaigns and Battles (Bloomington, 1902, page 55), from the Union perspective: 'At that time we were assured that the enemy had only one "hole" to get out, and that we were stopping that "hole." But Joe Johns[t]on always found the "hole" out.'

Sketch from Library of Congress Geography and Map Division, Washington, D.C. "View of fortifications near the ruins of the Western and Atlantic Railroad bridge across the Etowah River in Georgia," (1864). 
 
    

American Civil War 150: Battle of Resaca, Georgia

The Atlanta Campaign opens with a bang -- William Tecumseh Sherman's offensive collides with Joseph Eggleston Johnston's defenses -- on this date, 150 years ago. Intense fighting results in casualties ranging from about 5,000 to 7,500 -- all of them American.

I acquired a copy of this "casualty notice" from the US National Archives recently. Ira Barnes Slack, Company I, 85th Indiana Infantry Regiment, was the first husband of Ruthann Priscilla Wheeler, my great great grandmother (her second husband was another Union soldier, Samuel France, Company E, 31st Indiana).

Field Hospital, 2nd Division, 20th Army Corps, Near Resaca, Georgia:

"I have to inform you that Private Ira B. Slack . . . died in this Hospital on 16th inst[ant -- i.e., 16th May 1864]. . . Wounds rec'd in battle of 15th May."

To add insult to death, the assistant surgeon reports: "No effects." 

Meaning, either his body was so mangled that nothing of material worth was retrievable, or anything retrievable was stripped from his person rather than sent to his family in Indiana. 

To boot, any record of his burial site is apparently gone -- his remains either never made the transfer from the battlefield field hospital to a national cemetery, or his body was later misidentified in the process. I'll keep looking.

Ira B. Slack was thirty years old when he died, leaving behind his thirty year old wife and two living children, both younger than ten.  

If you have any additional information as to the possible whereabouts of the remains of Ira B. Slack, please leave a comment or email me at efrance23@gmail.com