Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne to Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie, October 23, 1827

[Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne at Chestnut Hill, Virginia to Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie at [Pharsalia,] Tye River Mills, Nelson [County, Virginia,] October 23, 1827. Postmarked Lynchburg October 26. Massie Family Papers, Virginia Historical Society. This is my rough, annotated transcription from a copy graciously provided by William Myers. Extra paragraph breaks inserted for easier reading.]

                                Chestnut Hill 23rd Oct 1827
Dear Sally

I am sorry to informa you that James is not recovering as fast as his friends a few d ays ago, had a right to expect, some symptoms I understand still remain of an unpleasant character.

[D]o not let me give you unnecessary alarm, you know I am easily alarmed in cases of sickness, & having undertaken to give you a true account of his situation I feel it a duty to do so.

My Brother Wm. was here a few days ago & requested me to inform you or rather Mr. Massie that he intended selling 12 or 15 of his negroes & among those he could most conveniently spare were Leah & her family, & if Wm. wanted to own them & it should not be convenient to pay money for them, that he would exchange them for other negroes.

We have all had a return of the ague & fever, I am very unwell myself. 

Fanny joins me in love to one & all
                                                yours sincerely
                                                     H S Langhorne
[Frances "Fanny" Callaway Steptoe Langhorne (1798-1832) married Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne (1790-1854) on March 13, 1816. "Sally" is probably a reference to their baby daughter, Sarah Massie "Sally" Langhorne (1826-1881). 

Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie (1796-July 28, 1828) was married to William Massie (1795-1862) and was the daughter of James Steptoe (1750-1826). Their son Thomas James Massie (1817-1877) was born on March 23, 1817.There is a massive Massie collection at the University of Texas here

James = James Callaway Steptoe (1781-October 24, 1827), married to Catherine "Kitty" Mitchell (1780-1858) since 1808. 

The attending Physicians probably included Dr. William Steptoe (1791-1862) and perhaps indirectly Dr. James Townes Royall (circa 1797-1860), who had married Charles Johnston's daughter Frances Steptoe Johnston (circa 1807-after 1850), in Botetourt County on December 27, 1825.

My brother William = William Callaway Langhorne (1783-1858). 

Ague = malaria or something that caused similar reactions.]

[Many thanks to Sue Davis, William Myers, Mary Davy and Sally Young for their ongoing research collaboration.]   

Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne to Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie, October 18, 1827

[Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne at Chestnut Hill, Virginia to Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie at [Pharsalia,] Tye River Mills, Nelson [County, Virginia,] October 18, 1827. Postmarked Lynchburg October 19. Massie Family Papers, Virginia Historical Society. This is my rough, annotated transcription from a copy graciously provided by William Myers. Extra paragraph breaks inserted for easier reading.]

                                      Chestnut Hill Oct 18th 1827
Dear Sally

Miss Peggy Bradfute is with us & informs me that James is certainly on the mend & that his Physicians entertain no doubt of his recovery.

Frances has a return of the ague. Sally has recovered so far as to miss[?] her ague for the last four days.

Excuse this very short letter for I am really unwell. I have imprudently exposed myself & apprehend a relapse.

                                               yours sincerely
                                                          Henry S. Langhorne

[Frances "Fanny" Callaway Steptoe Langhorne (1798-1832) married Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne (1790-1854) on March 13, 1816. "Sally" is probably a reference to their baby daughter, Sarah Massie "Sally" Langhorne (1826-1881). 

Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie (1796-July 28, 1828) was married to William Massie (1795-1862) and was the daughter of James Steptoe (1750-1826). Their son Thomas James Massie (1817-1877) was born on March 23, 1817.There is a massive Massie collection at the University of Texas here

Miss Peggy Bradfute = Margaret "Peggy" Bradfute (1788-1833).

James = James Callaway Steptoe (1781-October 24, 1827), married to Catherine "Kitty" Mitchell (1780-1858) since 1808. 

The Physicians probably included Dr. William Steptoe (1791-1862) and perhaps indirectly Dr. James Townes Royall (circa 1797-1860), who had married Charles Johnston's daughter Frances Steptoe Johnston (circa 1807-after 1850), in Botetourt County on December 27, 1825.

Ague = malaria or something that caused similar reactions.]

[Many thanks to Sue Davis, William Myers, Mary Davy and Sally Young for their ongoing research collaboration.]   

Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne to Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie, October 3, 1827

[Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne at Chestnut Hill, Virginia to Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie at [Pharsalia,] Tye River Mills, Nelson [County, Virginia,] October 3, 1827. Postmarked Lynchburg October 5. Massie Family Papers, Virginia Historical Society. This is my rough, annotated transcription from a copy graciously provided by William Myers. Extra paragraph breaks inserted for easier reading.]

                                                           Chestnut Hill 3rd Oct 1827
Dear Sally

I received by Mrs. Royal [Royall] your letter 30th ultimo & am sorry & much surprised that you have never been informed of James' situation. I intended when I wrote you to have gone up to see him last [S]unday but the [F]riday before my wife & both my little daughters were taken sick of the ague & fever & in a few hours afterwards I was taken with a most violent ague succeeded by a very high fever for about 12 hours. 

I have since had two agues & have never been clear of fever until about 2 o'clock last night.

Fanny & the children are on the mend & I am certainly much better than any person could have supposed for one who was so dreadfully sick about 18 hours ago.

Doc't Rose was sent for to visit James yesterday, he went up last night in the night & came to my house to day at ten o'clock  -- he says James is in great danger, but still thinks him in the power of medicine, your brother Wm. thinks his case I understand a very Doubtful one. 

In giving you a statement of James' situation I have concealed nothing, the way I wish my friends similarly circumstanced to act towards me.

I will by every mail write to you. I asked Mr. Nelson to write for me yesterday thinking I should not be able to day to do so, he may probably still do so unless the servant who carries this letter to the office should see him.
                                             yours sincerely
                                                    H Langhorne

P.S. Fanny desires me to say to you that Baker the Dentist is now in town & in ten days a much more celebrated Dentist by the name of Roper[?] will be here.    

[Frances "Fanny" Callaway Steptoe Langhorne (1798-1832) married Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne (1790-1854) on March 13, 1816. 

Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie (1796-July 28, 1828) was married to William Massie (1795-1862) and was the daughter of James Steptoe (1750-1826). Their son Thomas James Massie (1817-1877) was born on March 23, 1817.There is a massive Massie collection at the University of Texas here

Dr. James Townes Royall (circa 1797-1860) had married Charles Johnston's daughter Frances Steptoe Johnston (circa 1807-after 1850), in Botetourt County on December 27, 1825.

James = James Callaway Steptoe (1781-October 24, 1827), married to Catherine "Kitty" Mitchell (1780-1858) since 1808. 

Brother Wm. = Dr. William Steptoe (1791-1862).

Ague = malaria or something that caused similar reactions.]

[Many thanks to Sue Davis, William Myers, Mary Davy and Sally Young for their ongoing research collaboration.]   

Margaret "Peggy" Bradfute to Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie, November 23, 1827

[Peggy Bradfute [at or near New London, Virginia], to Sarah Tate Steptoe Massie [at Pharsalia, Rose Mills,] Nelson [County, Virginia,] November 23, 1827. Massie Family Papers, Virginia Historical Society. This is my rough, annotated transcription from a copy graciously provided by William Myers. Extra paragraph breaks inserted for easier reading.]

                                                         November 23 1827

Dear Sally

I was agreeably surprised this morning, to have my Old Friend Mr. Massie to Breakfast with us & I soon commenced a quarrel at you; but he told me to cease for he had a Letter for me; he seemed quite astonish'd when I told him I had written you 3 Letters, & had never received a line; I wrote you about 3 Weeks ago my Mail a Melancholy Letter; which I presume as Mr. Massie knew nothing about it it has gone to the Courthouse.

[Y]ou will now admit I can assure you my heart is often with you & my inclination; but haveing [having] been 5 months from Home feel loth [loathe] to Leave it again Soon.

Grace desires her Love to you [and] thanks you kindly for your invitation; & says [it would] give her great pleausure to visit you, but the inconvenience of geting [getting] their [there] & back prevents her & is a great objection with me also.

I told Mr. Massie I had tir[e]d him out befor[e] he would not acknowled [acknowledged] it, I must give you a short letter as it is 9 O Clock; & my Eyes are very dim having had Sore Eyes Lately.

I told Mr. Massie to tell you if you wanted me to write you often; you must make ma a present of a Pair of Spectacles; & you will see by this scrall [scrawl] that is no joke so you need not expect but a Short Letter.

[P]lease present my Love to Sarah & say I searched the town for the Lace, & have sent her the best I could get; I fear it is not wide enough; could have gotten a plenty of very wide but hope that will answer; I must now conclude by saying i [I] believe it will be useless to say any thing to the Miss Tasses[?] on the Subject you mentioned; for I don't think they would seperate [separate].

[Y]or Friends are all well as far as I know. I understand poor Lucy Penn is in a thriveing [thriving] condition. Fanny L [Langhorne's] Agues are better but looks badly. I was sorry to hear your health is still delicate;  no time for knews [news] yours affectionately

                                                              Peggy Bradfute  

[Sally = Sarah “Sally” Tate Steptoe Massie (1796-1828), who married William Massie (1795-1862) in 1814.

Peggy Bradfute = Margaret "Peggy" Bradfute (circa 1788-1833), a daughter of Robert Bradfute (1749-1816). Grace Bradfute (circa 1792-1855) was one of her sisters. Davidson Bradfute (1781-1831), one of Peggy's brothers, married Maria Byrd (1786-1854) in 1809, and served as Cashier for Farmer's Bank of Lynchburg. Alexander Tompkins (1784-1864) acquired Davidson Bradfute's house, in the vicinity of New London, Virginia, after the latter's death, and was Head Cashier at the same bank. Among these folks would have been possible candidates for portraits by Harvey Mitchell (1799-1866).

Because the Bradfutes keep showing up in letters from this period, here is an additional overview. All years approximate.

Robert Bradfute (1749-1816) from Scotland, married Sarah Irvine (1757-1807).

Their children included: 

Elizabeth Bradfute (1779-1861)
Davidson Bradfute (1781-1831)
Lillias Bradfute (1781-1849)
Archibald Bradfute (1786-1865)
Margaret "Peggy" Bradfute (1788-1833)
Grace Bradfute (1792-1855)
Robert "Bob" Bradfute (1794-1861)
James Hamilton Bradfure (1803-1865).

Grace = Grace Bradfute (1792-1861). She married Peyton Leftwich (1768/9-1859) at Lynchburg in 1831.

Sarah = Sarah Maria Massie (circa 1810-1844),  daughter of Dr. Thomas Massie II (1782-1864) and stepdaughter of Sarah Ann Carrington Cabell Massie (1795-1831) since 1826.

Lucy Penn = Lucinda “Lucy” Steptoe Penn (1795-1878), who married Robert Cowan Penn (1789-1854) in 1814. Their Bedford County, Virginia, estate was named "St. Helena."]

Fanny L = Frances "Fanny" Callaway Steptoe Langhorne (1798-1832) married Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne (1790-1854) on March 13, 1816. Their son John Scarsbrook Langhorne (1817-1896) was born on June 1, 1817 (in later years, sometimes changed to 1818 or 1819). Their son William Maurice “Wee” Langhorne (1818-1900) was born on June 30, 1818. Their only surviving daughter was Elizabeth Johnston(e) Langhorne (1821-1888). Two other brothers also lived: James (1822-1905) and Thomas (1828-1889).

[Many thanks to Sue Davis, William Myers, Mary Davy and Sally Young for their ongoing research collaboration.]   

Random Recollections of a Friend: Algernon Sidney Johnston and Columbia, South Carolina

[Edwin J. Scott, Random Recollections of a Long Life, 1860-1876. Columbia: Charles A. Calvo, Jr., Printer, 1884. Fascinating book with lots of details about daily life in and around Columbia, South Carolina, mostly from the 1820s into the 1870s], pages 31-32:

Fever and Ague ['Egg-yoo']

Even our diseases and their treatment have greatly changed. Fever and ague prevailed all over the State, except, perhaps, in the mountains. The ague commonly came on in the fore noon, causing the patient to chatter with cold "in spite of his teeth," and, lasting about an hour, was followed by a high fever and perspiration, passing off in sleep. It returned near the same hour on the first, second or third day, and often continued for months. For it the doctors gave calomel and jalap, (often producing salivation,) glauber salts, castor oil, Peruvian bark and tartar emetic, with copious draughts of warm water to induce vomiting. All these I have taken again and again. Cold water was absolutely forbidden, even when the sufferer was almost dying of thirst. In addition, the lancet was used freely, and I have seen bleeding afford as sudden and complete relief in high fever as ever was produced on the nerves by hypodermic injection, yet it is now hardly ever resorted to.

Gigs and Sulkies

Instead of buggies, we drove gigs and sulkies — the seats perched high up on two wheels, with shafts held up by tugs. These — the shafts or the tugs — were continually breaking and throwing the riders under their horses' heels.

Algernon Sidney Johnston (October 17, 1801-September 22, 1852)

Pages 103-104:  . . . I picked up in a book store a treatise on stenography, and, in the leisure of a village store, practiced short-hand writing merely for amusement ; but the consequence was, that A. S. (Sid) Johnston, then State Printer, employed me to report the proceedings of the Legislature. And whilst thus engaged, a vacancy for Teller in the Commercial Bank had to be filled, to which I was elected on the recommendations of Judge Gantt, Judge O'Neale, Judge Glover, who was at that time Clerk of the House, and others whose acquaintance I had made in the offices of Clerk of the Court and Reporter. Again, in the same way, I learnt bookkeeping, with no expectation of ever using that knowledge except in my regular business; and now, after a lapse of more than fifty years, it gives me employment and remuneration for many an hour that would otherwise be spent idly and unprofitably.

Page 150: THE ELECTION OF 1840. This was more excited and exciting than any other that had occurred in Richland. . . [details in the following pages].

Page 153 [Whigs v. Democrats. Sid Johnston was with the Whigs]:

But the Legislature was largely Democratic, and they brought A. H. Pemberton from Augusta to edit a paper in support of their views, giving the new organ the public printing, to the exclusion of A. S. Johnston, former State Printer, who adhered to the fortunes of his friend and relative, Colonel Preston [William Campbell Preston, 1794-1860]. 

The ensuing controversy between the two editors soon led to personalities, followed by a collision, in which Johnston struck Pemberton with a switch or stick in Main street, and the latter, after blustering loudly, with Bill Myers at his back, let the insult pass. Myers was the man who did not fight a duel with Captain Tradewell. 

During his [presumably Algernon Sidney Johnston's] administration as Intendant, the rock drains, which have been so serviceable in carrying off the water from our streets, were commenced and met with great opposition from many citizens, but he persisted in having them built. 

Samuel Weir, a fearless, independent and bitter partisan, also edited a Whig paper and applied very filthy and abusive language to Pemberton.

[Note: See McCord, David J., ed. The Statutes at Large of South Carolina. Vol. 6 (1814-1838). Columbia, S.C.: Printed by A.S. Johnston, 1839; vs. Acts and Resolutions of the General Assembly of the State of South Carolina, Passed in December, 1839. Columbia, S.C.: A.H. Pemberton, State Printer, 1839.  Johnston and Pemberton continued to battle for official state printing contracts into the 1840s.].

The Death of Benjamin Franklin Johnston, November 5, 1834

[Edward William Johnston at Columbia, South Carolina, to Beverly Randolph Johnston at Abingdon, Virginia, November 12, 1834. Box 1, John Warfield Johnston Papers, 1778-1890, David M. Rubenstein Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Duke University].

In the introduction, Edward recounts that he is "imperfectly recovered" from a "long malady." Of his wife Estelle: "To-morrow will make 3 weeks since your sister suffered a bilious attack, which is now subdued; but has left her in a state of extreme feebleness and of nervous irritability, verging upon continual delirium."

But the main point of the letter: "an attack of the same sort, happening only the day after Estelle's, has torn from us our poor boy -- our child, rather than brother -- for six years the companion, & lately the hope, of our fireside -- our poor Benjamin."

More details: "On his circuit, at Orangeburg, he was seized, on the 19th [of October], with a fever, that seemed, in all its stages but the last, rather serious than alarming. Your cousin William [Preston Campbell, probably] was with him, during the first 4 days of his illness; on whose return, we thought it necessary that Syd should go down to attend him: for I, meanwhile, was too feeble to attempt a 40-miles' ride by night; and, indeed, but ill-able to nurse Estelle, whose situation seemed, for the greater part, more threatening than Ben's." 

"Sydney remained with him near a week, till he reached a point of apparent recovery, at which the physicians thought he might be left for three or four days, by which point they judged it almost certain that he would be able to stand the journey up to Columbia. I judged it better, however, a few days afterwards, to send John [Warfield Johnston] to him, to watch and to beguile his recovery, until he could report him in a condition to travel. This was on Sunday last (the 2nd [of November]); about which time ill symptoms began to appear . . . of which as soon as we heard in an alarming manner, Syd again went to him, on the night of Tuesday (the 4th): reaching him, however, only twenty-six hours before his death, on Thursday morning (the 5th), about 1/2 after 9."

John returned to Columbia and reported details to Edward on the morning of November 12, 1834; Syd would see to Ben's burial in Orangeburg that same day, but Edward planned to move his remains to Columbia in the proper season.

"I have written to the Major, and am about to write to Joseph & Jane, addressing the latter at Liberty [Bedford County, Virginia] . . . as for me, I have nothing to fear, except, perhaps, an occasional visit of ague & fever; and your sister is, since yesterday, so much better, that there can now be little delay in the dissipating her only remaining symptoms -- the nervous aff[l]iction of which I have spoken . . ."

He wishes Beverly to visit for a month. "You are young, free, and must surely have some little leisure, that [you] would bestow on us."

John had brought with him news of the Major's business in Richmond, Virginia, into the winter.

Also, things were going on in Columbia, specifically regarding South Carolina College. "There are matters on foot with respect to our College, that may somewhat disagreeably set free all those connected with it, and put me on the necessity of striking out some other path of life. While I am ready to encounter any event of this sort, not only with firmness, but with a perfect self-reliance, drawn from the trial of my resources, I shall be exceedingly contented to have you & him ["the Major," if he could get away from Richmond] here, to hold counsel with."

He bids adieu with "An affectionate farewell."

Perhaps most noticeably, there are no traces of religious sentiment in this entire letter, though Edward was at least ostensibly Catholic via his marriage to Estelle. 

Maladies of South Carolina at the time included yellow fever, malaria, consumption (tuberculosis) and many more. 

Ben's death was reported in The Richmond Enquirer (November 18, 1834), page 3: "Died, on the 5th inst., at Orangeburgh [sic], S.C., (whither his professional duties had led him,) BENJAMIN FRANKLIN JOHNSTON, of this place, youngest son of the late Judge Peer Johnston, of Virginia."

[Benjamin "Ben" Franklin Johnston (1808-1834) graduated from South Carolina College in 1830 with an A.B.; apparently he was on business as a lawyer or law clerk

John Warfield Johnston [Jr.] (1818-1889) turned sixteen on September 9, 1834. He later became a U.S. Senator from Virginia

Edward William Johnston (1799-1867), married to Estelle (Also called "your sister" in this letter), Marie Antoinette Estelle Costar (De Cressac Villagrand) (ca. 1802-1848); Algernon Sidney "Syd" Johnston (1801-1852), brother of both Edward and Benjamin, was also active in Columbia at the time

William Campbell Preston (1794-1860), U.S. Congressman and Senator from South Carolina, President of South Carolina College

Beverly Randolph Johnston (1803-1876), attorney-at-law in Abgindon, Virginia, at the time of this letter

"The Major" = Peter Carr Johnston (1793-1877)
Joseph Eggleston Johnston (1807-1891)
Jane Johnston (1811-1892), who had married Harvey Mitchell (1799-1866) in 1832
Judge Peter Johnston, Jr. (1763-1831), married to Mary Valentine Wood (1769-1825)]

For their help and assistance, many thanks to the staff of the David M. Rubenstein Rare Book & Manuscript Library, Duke University, Durham, North Carolina. For more information about the John Warfield Johnston Papers, here's a link to the guide. 

Mary Louisa Mitchell Binckley to John Milton Binckley: Five Fragments (circa 1868)

[Mary Louisa Mitchell Binckley to John Milton Binckley: five fragments (circa 1868)].

When I get my things, and get to feel settled I will write you a real jolly epistle. The children are sunburnt and hearty. Can eat sorghum, molasses, butterless bread, & continual bacon at which my soul revolts. Willie and Lulie are greatly discomposed that I should have had to come so soon, before they were fixed as they intended and during what is the scant season. I believe every cow in the country is just about to have a calf! Eggs are my only comfort.

But Milton, I am ashamed to have wasted paper and words on such a subject. When I get out of doors and move, and have my regular work and something to read, I will not be so conscious of what is on the table.

Goodbye my darling goodbye. I wonder if my heart ever will wake up again out of this dull numbness and find again a Thrill of joy or Hope.

Your own
Mary 

["The children" = Nella Fontaine Binckley (1860-1951) and Harvey Mitchell Binckley (1864-1928).
Lulie = Lucy A. Dennis (1845-1923)
Willie = William M. Mitchell/Michel (1839-1908)
Note: Francis M. Bincley was born in June 1868 and died in July 1868].

___________________________________________________________________

Did you see the Express of Monday it quoted half a column from the Tribune in your favor. I received from you yesterday a Herald with a long article marked, also an envelope enclosing Armstrong's report of Metzerott's bill with not a word from you: I suppose you meant me to pay it and I will as soon as I . . .
___________________________________________________________________

The air is so oppressive and close this morning after the rain last night, that it makes me feel worse. A bad cold is a decided nuisance.

Did you see an article in Monday's "Evening Express" in your favor with quotations from the New Yorl "Stockholder"?  I cut it out and enclosed it to your mother.  

I must stop.

Heaven bless and prosper you.
Your own wife
___________________________________________________________________

. . . trim[?] for a continued absence. So I have waited and watched, but all to no purpose.

I confess being greatly disappointed, for I am sick and lonesome.

I was so seriously threatened on Sunday night with pneumonia that I thought best to see a physician. Dr. Latimer has been here twice, and I am getting well now. I am on the bed most of the time -- but . . .

___________________________________________________________________

. . . but if it does not take the form of ague, I shall be entirely resigned to its other ill effects.

Helen stayed with me last night and will come again, if possible, this evening. My dear provoking old darling why don't you tell me whether you are or not going to stay in New York? 

There is not one satisfactory word in your letter except that you are "well." I rejoice over that, but confess to some in- . . .

___________________________________________________________________

Original manuscripts in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.

Mary Louisa Mitchell Binckley to John Milton Binckley, February 27th, 1865

[Mary Louisa Mitchell Binckley at Eastville, Virginia, to John Milton Binckley at Washington City, February 27th, 1865]:

I do want to write you a long letter to-night, my dearie, but am afraid that I can't keep my eyes open by this scamp of a boy [Harvey Mitchell Binckley, 1864-1928] for several consecutive nights, and I feel used up completely. I intended to take a nap in the middle of the day, but took father [Harvey Mitchell/Michel, 1799-1866] in to town & then travelled in various directions some 8 or ten miles in search of corn and fodder, and didn't get home until a late dinner -- after that found the stalls were in want of kine-shatters [kine = cows] to bed the horses (you can't get straw here) and as I could'nt [couldn't] spare the men from their work, I just took the cart and Sue [Sue Henry,1847-1940] & Nell [Nella Fontaine Binckley,1860-1951] and I went into the woods, raked up and filled the cart two loads, and drove home at sunset. So here I am, wanting for supper, hungry as a wolf, and so tired! but I have'nt [haven't] had a severe attack of neuralgia this winter, and if I could rest at night, would be almost well of my nervousness.

I had a short letter from you by last mail complaining terribly that you had only one letter since you saw me in Baltimore. So it seems that the long epistle I wrote just after I got home, has never reached you. The one you got was my second, this is the fifth.

But now I must try and give you some idea of the state of my affairs on "my farm." I have about 100 acres enclosed in petty fair fence: that, if nothing happens, I shall cultivate myself, little over 100 only enclosed on the upper end, which upper end (of some 25 acres) Mr. Westcoat will, I am pretty sure, rent. The other 70 or 75 entirely unenclosed, I will still try to rent out. Of my own part I draw a sort of rough diagram to give you some idea of how we think to divide it. But first I will speak of the chief of my difficulties just now.

First, hands. I have determined to keep Rose in the house as house-maid and nurse, and to do odd jobs, and lend a hand generally. Leah in the kitchen. For out hands as yet only two Curtis and George, who is a stout young man and a good hand. By dint of great exertions have got the promise of another man, a boy and a woman on Wednesday (1st of March) from Town-fields. So have to wait (im)patiently. 

Have hired from Gov. [U.S. Government] 4 stout work horses, one of them a gentle old sheep that I drive myself. Doctor is too frisky for me either to ride or drive alone, so I put him in the plow. I have had the greatest difficulty in finding corn and fodder. I think I have now engaged corn sufficient (and it is terribly high,) but fodder is so scarce, being constantly bought up by the Quartermaster, that I may have to send to Balt. for hay.

The weather has been very unfavorable indeed for ploughing, hard freezes until last week, and since then constant rains. I have managed to get about two days ploughing done, and my only consolation is that I am not behind my neighbors.

Tuesday morning [February 28, 1865]. Had to give up and go to bed. Mother [Jane Mary Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel, 1811-1892] wrote, but what I do not know, as she is not yet up. I am a very early riser these days. She said she wold give you an idea of the plan of the season and so I presume it is useless for me to say any thing on that subject.

Altogether, tho' expenses are heavy, and difficulties great, I do not on the subject of the far, feel at all discouraged. Such things I can easily endure, but lately I have had a cause for anxiety that weighs on me more than every thing else together. The cold I told you mother Binckley [[Charlotte Stocker Binckley (1788-1877)] had has taken the Ague and fever form, and though she is better, and getting well, she seems very much discouraged. Since her spell last September, she has been so well,ad so essentially free from neuralgia, having had only one . . .

[the fragment earlier put with an August 23, 1865 letter fits here better]:

. . . severe attack (and that did not last 24 hours) that I was in hopes that she would enjoy her life here. I do hope this will be the last attack she will have of this detestable disease. She will write to you in a few days.

As usual, I have been interrupted again, and now have only time to say goodbye and close this hurried scrawl. I have'nt [haven't] the remotest idea now what I have written. Mother B. is still asleep, or I would have some special message for you. Fortunately Father had just a present of some delightful wine, and some birds, both of which she seemed to enjoy very much. And she is now taking Plantation Bitters. She positively refuses to see a doctor again.

I must stop -- Father is starting. Oh if I could only see you for one minute! [A]nd yet that would only be an aggravation. -- Mary

[P.S.] By next mail I shall give you an account of "Money I have spent." The goods are all received, and I got them hauled for nothing. 

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.

Mary Louisa Mitchell Binckley to John Milton Binckley, June 5, 1865

[Mary Louisa Mitchell (Michel) Binckley at Eastville, Virginia, to John Milton Binckley at Washington City, June 5, 1865]:

Eastville, June 5th 1865

My beloved Milton,

If this epistle is disconnected and in the fragmentary style, you must attribute it to the excessive heat, and the number and voracity of the flies, who literally "bite like dogs." I believe the whole family have done nothing all the morning but gasp and fight flies and mosquitoes. The weather is hot and dry -- very dry, I am afraid it will injure the cotton. [A]nd to-day and tomorrow are holidays, and of course the negroes are all frolicking when there is so much work to do, that it alarms me to think of it. Thank heavens this is the last holiday until Christmas: and in fact, I would not have given this, but for one reason. You said that old dolt Pierpont [Virginia Governor Francis Harrison Pierpont (1814-1899)]  was resolved to send the Military off the Shores, and I am afraid to weaken the hold I have over their affections, for soon it may be the only means of control I will have. 

As for this place, I am becoming really disquieted with it. There has not been a whole week for three months that the entire family was well. I have escaped so far, but I find that a few hours of exposure to the sun make me feel so badly that I am utterly useless for the rest of the day. What I am to do about superintending I cannot just yet tell, tho' I think I can manage it by going out on horseback, under a large sun-bonnet. As yet, every third day Will [William M. Mitchell/Michel (1839-1908), her brother and recent POW] has a chill, and of course all that day is useless, & especially unable to go out in the sun.  

But enough of such comparatively small troubles. What weighs most on my mind now is your mother's [Charlotte Stocker Binckley (1788-1877)] health. When you left she was for a few days quite sick, but it was neuralgia, and I was sure that she had at least gotten over the Ague. But night before last, she had another chill, and tho' she is tolerably well to-day, I am afraid it will return, and she will not take any remedies. I had made up my mind some time ago that if she was attacked once more by Ague I would immediately consult with you as to whether or not our duty (whatever might be our circumstance) to give her immediate change of air: and I write now to beg that you will take the matter at once into serious consideration. I am obliged to believe at last, that it [is] the effect of climate, for there is no local cause here (as there was at Pembroke) and in her case there is not the least exposure. I have talked over the matter with her, and she confesses (which you know is a great deal from her) that she would like to go either to Maryland or to Alexandria. I think that if we can get the Stewarts to agree to board her, that would be very pleasant. She is most anxious to see them and I am sure would have every attention and kind care. She objects to going away only because she knows it will be much more expensive than living here, and that you know, my husband, is but a small thing to us where any sacrifice can add to her comfort, or restore her health. 

You know that by the end of this month I will (I hope) have sold the potato crop. In order that I may know what I will have to depend on in the meantime, please let me know at once whether we can have the rent which was due on the 15th of May?  

Do not fear, I am not discouraged. My courage rises now day by day, for I do begin to hope that the blessing of the Earth-Maker, will be on our undertaking. Every day I feel tried, and hope that the "fire may purify" if they do hurt. So be of good cheer my beloved; "in good time we shall reap if we faint not."

All send warm love to you, our absent one, the family benefactor, and, just now, the main-stay.

I must stop: it is later.
Your own true wife

[P.S.] Need I beg you to answer immediately? Or would you rather wait and hear from the Stewarts before answering[?] 

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.

Jane Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel to John Milton Binckley, 10th September 1864

Hollybrook [Holly Brook, Eastville, Virginia], 10th Sept, [1864].

I just feel like writing a letter to you, my dear Milton, without having anything special to say. It begins to be time for you to be coming here again, considering you were to be gone not more than a fortnight. I want to see you very much, and I really believe all the others do too. I hope you don't intend to wait until you see "poetic justice" meted out to Gen: Terry. We divine that your object at present must be to being him to judgment for his sins -- but, as the process is likely to be a slow one, I think you will get tired of waiting.

We are all going on in the usual humdrum style.  Farm matters are just about as promising as they were -- No, I believe somewhat better. The potatoes look pretty fair (excuse this blotted paper, as the article is scarce), the turnips look well, though young still, and the cotton has begun to blow.

I can't help thinking that things will not be so bad as you anticipate. But I can't speak confidently, not being able to see much of the crops. The intense heat, for some three weeks past, has kept me a close prisoner. I dare not go out in the morning, by reason of the dew, nor in the evening, for fear of damp air. The middle part of the day is hot enough to bring bilious fever, ague, & Typhoid, all in a bunch. Still we all escape, though everybody around nearly is sick. Your mother is wonderfully well and sprightly. It seems teems that "life in the barn" was of essential benefit to her -- she has been more out of her own room, more active & busy, than I ever saw her: has thriven on her labors   on the fruit-drying line. Mary is in quite good health just now. The dear little ones have not been sick at all, & I trust they will get through the season without suffering. Nelly looks better than when you left us, is fatter. Little Harvey looks a young Hercules, & roars like a young "short-horn."

yours in love,
J.W.M. 

[Jane Wood Johnston Mitchell/Michel to John Milton Binckley]. Photo: link here. Holly Brook, U.S. Route 13 vicinity, Eastville, Northampton County, VA.  Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA.

Original manuscript in the John Milton Binckley Papers, 1816-1943. Library of Congress Manuscript Division Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. This is my rough transcription. 

Many thanks to William Myers for sending scanned copies of the documents from the Binckley papers, and also to Mary Davy and Sally Young for their assistance.