Showing posts with label New York City. Show all posts
Showing posts with label New York City. Show all posts
Wednesday, June 6, 2018
Artifacts of Manhattan, 2005-2006
Tuesday, June 5, 2018
Artifacts of New York City: The IFC Center and Tavern on the Green, 2005-2006
Opened in 2005 and flourishing in 2018. On August 18, 2006, I saw Factotum, with Matt Dillon playing Hank Bukowski (hilarious -- especially if you're a Bukoswki reader).
It's only about a block and a half from Washington Square Park. Walk along "positively 4th Street" (Bob Dylan way) and you can reach the historic Stonewall Inn on Christopher Street in about five minutes. Our Lady of Pompeii Shrine Church at 25 Carmine Street is a two minute walk away. You can check out the Village Vanguard (178 Seventh Avenue South, opened in 1935 and competes with Baker's Keyboard Lounge in Detroit for jazz history honors) with a less than ten minute walk.
Hepcats, can you dig?
Website for Tavern on the Green can be reached via this link.
Sunday, June 3, 2018
Artifacts of New York City: 23rd Street/Chelsea, 2005-2006
Patsy's Pizzeria at this location (318 West 23rd Street between 8th and 9th Avenues) is now shut. It opened in 1933, so it lasted more than seventy years -- a good run. The New Aristocrat Deli Gourmet at 208 West 23rd Street is still open, so far as I can tell.
Monday, October 16, 2017
Mary Morris Johnston to Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie, September 11, 1825
 |
| Botetourt Springs early 1840s. A digital copy can be found via Hollins University's website. |
Botetourt Sep. 11, 1825
My Dear Aunt,
I was very much gratified a few days ago at receiving a letter from you and doubly so that it was a pleasure so long withheld and am determined by my punctuality this time to encourage you to expect it again.
It gave me the sincerest pleasure to hear that your health had so much improved. Aunt Frances told us when she was here that you looked better than at any time since your marriage and as the best assurance of it, said that you were fatter than I am.
[S]he returned from the Springs about a week ago but [has] not at all benefited as she thought with regard to her eyes thought her general health was better. She had no expectation when she went of deriving any good to her eyes but had a little hope that the use of the Hot and Cold bath at the Hot Springs would be of some service to them.
I suppose you did not know that Cousin Frances went with her. Uncle James and Aunt Kitty gave their consent very reluctantly to her going but Mr. Langhorne was determined on it and she came off without the least preparation leaving her Mama to do it all.
We received a letter from Sister a few days ago acquainting us with the birth of another daughter to whom she has given the name of Frances Langhorne.
Brother Edward I believe you have heard had gone to New York and has obtained an advantageous place in a Counting-house there.
I suppose Sarah Massie and Mr. Heath whom you said it was probable would accompany her are with you now.
There have been comparatively few people here this Summer and contrary to our expectation we have had very little to do in the way of house-keeping. Papa has employed a woman for a few months who attends to it altogether under his directions.
It would give us a great deal of pleasure to see you this fall but I am afraid it will be out of our power to leave home. The happy fortnight we spent in Nelson this spring will be ever vivid in my recollection and an opportunity of returning there will always delight me.
I wish we could be of your Charlottesville party.
Fanny desires me to tell you that she will write to you soon.
Give our love to Mr. Massie and Thomas and believe me my dear Aunt your ever affectionate niece
Mary M. Johnston
[Mary Morris Johnston (February 23, 1810-August 18, 1884). She was fifteen years old when she wrote this letter. Daughter of Charles Johnston (1769-1833) and Elizabeth Prentiss Steptoe Johnston (1783-1820).
Sarah "Sally" Tate Steptoe Massie (1796-1828) was married to William Massie (1795-1862) and was the daughter of James Steptoe (1750-1826). Their son Thomas "Tommo" aka "Tom" James Massie (1817-1877) was born on March 23, 1817.There is a massive Massie collection at the University of Texas here.
Aunt Frances = Frances "Fanny" Callaway Steptoe Langhorne (1798-1832), who had married Henry "Harry" Scarsbrook Langhorne (1790-1854) on March 13, 1816.
Cousin Frances = Cousin Frances = Frances Callaway Steptoe (1810-1880), daughter of Uncle James Callaway Steptoe (1781-1827) and Aunt Catherine "Kitty" Mitchell Steptoe (1780-1858).
Brother Edward = Edward Pickett Johnston (1798-?).
Fanny = Frances “Fanny” Steptoe Johnston (1807-1850). She married Dr. James Townes Royall later that year, on December 27, 1825.]
[Many thanks to Sue Davis, William Myers, Mary Davy and Sally Young for their ongoing research collaboration.]
Saturday, July 22, 2017
Edward William Johnston, "Liberty and Literature," January 14, 1854
Were an oyster, sunk
deep in oozy water and mud and fastened to some rotten piece of timber by the
thick shell which defends him from all access to external information, suddenly
to set up for a speculative philosopher, he would make just such a hand of it
as do the one-ideaed people who now abound upon all the shores of the
intellect, the civilized deep over, and in this country, particularly, form
great oyster-beds of shell-fish opinion.
He that adapts a system
for his thought has to shut himself in a shell and live without his senses, lest
these should bring him in something against the watery one-idea in which he
lives. Not to be interrupted in its exclusive contemplation, he walls himself
about with it, and as its more solid components harden and thicken about him, he
lies and fattens upon the more thin and fluid, until lo! some political
fishmonger comes, with along pair of tongs, tears him away from his beloved
bottom, cracks, with oyster-knife, this crustacean defences, and swallows him
down, with many another, easy victims of party voracity and just fit to be its
nourishment.
So much for these
political or social or even religious monomaniacs, as a class – people who will
clap everything upon the Procrustean bed of their system: who see, hear, feel,
smell, taste, think, know, fancy, only by it, and will believe nothing else:
who, turning democrats, will have it that every body and every thing shall be radical
and revolutionary; or taking to monarchy, want every kind to be a despot; or
being Protestant or being Catholic, wish to break down all law, in order that
they may be able to destroy their opponents; or, being State Rights men, are
eager to pull down the Union; or, finally, being fond of Liberty, not only want
to obtain for men that blessing at the sacrifice of every other, but are really
so obfuscated by their one idea that they can and will have nothing else: to
them, that which agrees with their kink, is; and all that will not, is not:
there is nothing but their kink: no gospel, no government, no law, no
literature.
So much for these
worthies as a class. As an individual example of them, there can be nothing more
speaking than the following ravings of that king of kinks, Horace Greeley, about
the sable literature of Uncle Tom’s Cabin.
The literature of
Liberty is one with wings. No Pegasus is it which flounders in the world
without flipping a wing; but a volant thing, self-sustained and motived[.] We
are particularly reminded of this fact by the success which has attended the
dissemination of Mrs. Stowe’s work, Uncle Tom’s Cabin. We learn from the
publishers, Messrs. Jewett & Co., of Boston, that they have presented and
sold three hundred thousand copies of
that work. Three hundred thousand books! Think of it! Books which lie on
tables, which are put on shelves, which do not die with the day they are read;
contain these Sermons of Liberty – sermons worked into the portraitures of persons, places and thrilling events, and
all that is most attractive to the great army of thirsters after knowledge, and
above all to the young. Three hundred thousand books represent some two million
of readers sooner or later, and these two million converse with, affect,
influence, win over others the views they may have adopted from such reading.
“The literature of
liberty,” quoth Greeley, “hath wings.” No doubt: it is quite flighty enough to
have them.
“It is no Pegasus,” adds
Horace. Decidedly not: ‘tis a donkey.
“It does not flounder,”
continues he. Yet ‘tis as flat as ever was flounder.
“It is a voilant thing.”
So is every black beetle that bobs against the wall.
“It is self-sustained
and motived,” avers the classical
herbivorist. So is a soap-bubble.
But he was “particularly
reminded” of liberty’s literature. Ah, Greely, ‘twas but a small effort of memory
for you to remember all the literature you ever knew.
“Three hundred thousand
books.” Well, why not? ‘Twas written for fools, and ought to have plenty of
readers.
“Books which lie on
table.” What a marvelous literature, that can like on a table!
But that’s not all: it “can
be put on the shelf.” Yes, and there is will soon be laid.
Mighty muncher of
vegetables! Go to grass, with thy ebony litter of literature, thou modern Nebuchadnezzar!
[New Orleans Daily Crescent. ([New Orleans, La.]), 14 Jan. 1854. Chronicling America: Historic American Newspapers. Library of Congress. Link here.]
[Edward William Johnston (1799-1867).
Harriet Beecher Stowe (1811-1896).
Uncle Tom's Cabin; or, Life Among the Lowly (1851-1852).
Horace Greeley (1811-1872), who helped form the Republican Party and was a vegetarian (hence the food quips). Editor of the New-York Daily Tribune.]
[Many thanks to Sue Davis, William Myers, Mary Davy and Sally Young for their ongoing research collaboration.]
[Edward William Johnston (1799-1867).
Harriet Beecher Stowe (1811-1896).
Uncle Tom's Cabin; or, Life Among the Lowly (1851-1852).
Horace Greeley (1811-1872), who helped form the Republican Party and was a vegetarian (hence the food quips). Editor of the New-York Daily Tribune.]
[Many thanks to Sue Davis, William Myers, Mary Davy and Sally Young for their ongoing research collaboration.]
Wednesday, July 19, 2017
Edward William Johnston to the New Orleans 'Daily Crescent,' July 24, 1854
NEW YORK CITY, 24th June, 1854
You will have been wondering that I have written you so little.
But the hand grows weary, as well as the head. Mine had been, for many months,
unremittingly tasked. The machine of labor was severely worn, and needed a
little the oil of ease, in order that it might once more run smoothly.
I have, therefore, been giving myself up to physical enjoyment,
in a quiet country place, where the air was sweet with the breath of the green
fields, where deep shades and cool streams freshened every thing around me, and
where I had at will, the long-denied recreation of abundant books.
Trout-streams were at hand; and them, you may be sure, I did not
leave unfrequented. For, whatever that contemner of the "gentle craft,"
my lord Byron, or other like bunglers, may imagine of what they do not
understand, master Trout is a great composer of the mind as well as renovator
of the body; not only a capital physician, but a poet and philosopher. Except
his company, I have been, for some weeks, seeking none.
Meantime, having the happiness to be where mails come but seldom
hebdomadally [weekly], I luxuriated in the delight of scarcely ever seeing the foul face of a newspaper – that most detestable of modern
inventions. If every body else hated it as heartily as I do, or if they who
make books were not become a still more odious crew than my own fellow-authors of newspapers, I might betake myself to
some less wicked occupation, or even to some less vain one than that of trying
to make men wise, in a democracy.
Sad, that labor, and ah! Usually but too futile that hope! Besides,
however, that recruiting of the body and of the brain which I required, I had
need, along my wide track through the Free States, to inform myself, as amply
as possible, of the actual state of public feeling, in regard to the new
contest between North and South, which that benignant measure, the Nebraska
bill, has kindled up, so greatly to the advantage of both and so highly to the
praise of their mutual wisdom.
I thought it more opportune to employ my time, for a while, in
personally inquiring into the condition of this question, than in writing to
you upon inferior matters, or upon this with a less carefully formed knowledge
of the real state of things.
Of course, I was already in possession of quite as much as the Press at large and the politicians are wont to tell of subjects that are
agitating the country: but what the Press and politicians report, in these
cases, is often scarcely meant for the truth, or is at best but a guess of the
general mind around them.
No, I want, in an instance like this, something more: I want to
know whether or not their guesses are right; and, in order to ascertain this, I
make it a point to see for myself how not the editors and the public men but
the common people and the quiet retired folks really do think and feel. I have,
therefore, been occupying, and shall continue to occupy myself much, in this
way.
Wherever I pass, I converse on this topic, as much as I can, with
high and low, the intelligent and the foolish, the sober and the mad. I extract
their ideas, and I very freely give them my own.
Thus far, my inquiries present a very clear result: throughout
the Free States which I have traversed, (Illinois, Michigan, New York, Connecticut and Western Massachusetts) the passage of the Nebraska bill has
been attended by not only all those effects which I from the first foretold,
but is, I fear, destined to produce still worse consequences than I originally apprehended.
I expected it to bring about an alienation of the great body of
those who have heretofore stood the friends of Southern rights: but (not
sufficiently considering how, in this business, fault begets fault and folly on
one part engenders an answering folly on the other) I did not look for any thing
beyond a great loss of friends, and had not gone on to calculate the passions likely to be stirred up
by this question; which, indeed, unhappy and dangerous one as it is, is chiefly
made so by the fact that it is one of little else but passion.
We call this a government of Opinion; and such it must be said
to be. But Opinion is not necessarily Reason: on the contrary, it is often mere
delusion. At times, in all countries ruled by opinion, false opinions arise and
usurp the control which only true ones should hold. Now, Prince Opinion is,
after all, but human, and therefore fallible.
How well he will decide will depend on the degree in which he is
well informed. There are things of which he knows extremely little, merely
because they lie mainly out of the reach of his observation. That, however,
will by no means hinder him from undertaking to lay down the law in regard to
them. For where he reigns unchecked, he is just as little modest as to the
sufficiency of his wisdom and just as arbitrary as any other monarch.
In short, he will always decide by "the lights before
him," though these be often little better than mists or sheer darkness.
For Opinion, whether he see or not, always thinks he sees.
Now, whatever the advantages of this sort of Government, it has
its inconveniences that cannot be escaped. The chief of these is its extreme instability.
For winds or waves are hardly more capricious. To-day it blows this way; to-morrow
it turns to the opposite point of the popular compass, and kicks you up a perfect
hurricane. What are you to do? No sailor in his senses will attempt to stay on this course: for he knows he will be swamped, if he tries it.
Yet Master [John C.] Calhoun and his crew have been teaching you, in just
such a case (this matter of slavery, where the whole sea of world-wide opinion
was running high against you) not to hand a sail, but to press on, right in the teeth of the storm, and push for an extension of Slavery. Oh most
discreet thought! Moment most auspicious for such an attempt! The weak to plan, not to defend what they have against the strong, but how openly to
invade and conquer them! Did ever -- I will not say a wise man -- did ever a
man in his senses devise such a scheme before?
Never, I aver, never! What! expect to extend Slavery, when not
only the vehement prejudices of civilized mankind in general, but those of a
large majority of our partners in this Government are in arms for its abolition?
It is mere insanity to think of it. The only thing, the very utmost thing, to
be rationally proposed by the Slave-interest, by those communities to whom
Slavery is now and is destined long to be (whatever others may imagine) an
integral and essential part of their own social being, is to contrive how,
without coming to a direct contest (which, if it did not destroy them, would be
certain to plunge them in terrible mischiefs) they may withstand, until it
shall abate or change (as it will before long do) the present furious blast of
opinion for this
purpose, there was and is but one course to be taken, that which the true statesmanship of that great citizen, Henry Clay, adopted: to disarm, by compacts and compromises, the most dangerous, the domestic portion, of the force that threatened us, and thus to interpose, between us and the rest of the world, the solid defence
of our whole Union.
purpose, there was and is but one course to be taken, that which the true statesmanship of that great citizen, Henry Clay, adopted: to disarm, by compacts and compromises, the most dangerous, the domestic portion, of the force that threatened us, and thus to interpose, between us and the rest of the world, the solid defence
of our whole Union.
Well, how was this to be brought about for us? Only in one way:
by sacrificing to the North something of our adverse rights, and thus binding
our else hostile confederates to uphold all the rest of those rights. This was
accordingly done, by the Missouri Compromise; and done, unquestionably, at little
real cost to the South: for the territorial restriction which we agreed to impose
upon Slavery is, confessedly, one which it could not, except to a very slight
degree, have overpassed, under any circumstances.
Our security was only to be purchased by a concession: we obtained
it at a most moderate one: our great, our indispensable end was accomplished,
almost without a sacrifice; and all this being entirely beyond denial, I must
now ask what madness, what public lunacy ever exceeded that of the South, in
suffering itself to be betrayed, by the shallow trick of two dirty little
political hucksters, [Senator Stephen A. ] Douglas and Pearce [President Franklin Pierce], into the abandonment of all that had
been achieved, for Southern safety and the peace of our confederacy, against the
raging fanaticism of the day?
Where are we left by this repeal of the concession which we had
rather obtained than made -- that of the Missouri restriction ? We are left
utterly at sea again, to be buffeted worse than ever by the tempest of the
world's opinion, swelled by a fresh disturbance, of our own conjuring up.
The great break-water to the North, behind which we rode in
safety, is gone: instigated by those wretched lubbers, Middy Pearce [Pierce] and
Boatswain Douglas, you have pulled it down, in order to get the benefit of the
open sea and the full swing of every surge. You stand and justly stand
attainted of ill faith, in breaking an old and solemn compact.
You have taken on yourself the odium (surely quite needless when
already so hated for merely owning slaves) of territorial rapacity. You have
raised a new anti-slavery agitation, probably to be the direst ever seen. Your
Northern friends have abandoned or will abandon you, to a man. And, to crown
all this, you have revoked the Compromise of 1820, so that the Fugitive Slave
law (your great boon in that of 1850) can probably be executed no more, or will
be repealed. Into what a situation have the counsels of your new guides plunged
you!
I believe you know me to be no flattering monitor. I could tell you of the faults of the North, in this matter: but it is at present of greater concern to show you your own. For I shall probably, before I end, prove to you that not the Abolitionists, but a large part of your home-politicians, have been and are your worst enemies.
IL SEGRETARIO.
[Re: The Kansas-Nebraska Act of 1854, which accelerated the momentum for an American Civil War.
This letter indicates that Edward William Johnston (1799-1867) traveled far and wide in this period. His negative Whiggish take on the Kansas-Nebraska Act was in alignment with Senator Sam Houston (1793-1863) of Texas, who later refused to join the Confederacy and went into retirement instead. The letter also reiterates Johnston's love of freshwater fishing.]
[Many thanks to Sue Davis, William Myers, Mary Davy and Sally Young for their ongoing research collaboration; in this case, specifically to William for providing a scanned copy of the original document.]
Monday, February 6, 2017
Edward William Johnston to Thomas Willis White, October 4, 1836
[Edward William Johnston at New York City to Thomas Willis White [at Richmond, Virginia], October 4, 1836. Container 9.7, Edgar Allan Poe Collection, The University of Texas at Austin, Harry Ransom Center. Note that in the original, Johnston's text frequently employs the old-fashioned "long s" -- i.e., when the letter "s" is doubled up in a word, the first "s" looks more like a lower case "f."]
Notes:
Johnston informs "My dear White" that on October 3, 1836, he sent the latter the "proofs" of what would be published as "Classical Bibliography,” Southern Literary Messenger: Devoted to Every Department of Literature and the Fine Arts Vol. II, No. XL (October 1836): pages 677-684. Richmond, Virginia: T. W. White.
And: "Give him, at the same time, my sincere compliments and good wishes."
Johnston says he's not likely to "fix" himself in New York City. The local literary publications that he might have worked for are "in a wretched condition," and he doesn't want to do political writing "unless it were in a region where other interests and more reputable principles prevail." He then makes vague references to an opportunity in Washington City, which though he doesn't mention by name, is a reference to plans to revive The Southern Review that were alluded to in a previous post here.
Sends regards to Mrs. White, "and believe me truly yours . . ."
Finally, as a postscript, he directs White to send future correspondence to "Mrs. Ed. W. Johnston" at No. 30, Chapel Street, N. York. And, he intends to "go South in a week or 10 days."
[Many thanks to Natalie Zelt, American Studies -- who in June 2014 was Public Services Intern at the Harry Ransom Center -- for assisting in scanning and processing the original letter at that time.]
[Thomas Willis White (1788-1843), founding editor and publisher of The Southern Literary Messenger, which began publication in 1834.
Edgar Allan Poe (1809-1849) was White's assistant from mid-1835 until early 1837 -- Poe basically took over as editor for most of his rocky tenure.
Edward William Johnston (1799-1867)
Saunders & Otley = Simon Saunders and Edward John Otley, Librarians and Publishers to the Queen, Brook Street, Grosvenor Square, London.
The address given of 30, Chapel Street, N. York, is that of the hotel and restaurant owned and operated by Jerome De Cressac Villagrand (1776-1845), stepfather of Edward's wife, Marie Antoinette Estelle Costar (De Cressac Villagrand) Johnston (circa 1802-1848).]
[Many thanks to William Myers, Mary Davy, Sally Young and Sue Davis for their ongoing research collaboration.]
Notes:
Johnston informs "My dear White" that on October 3, 1836, he sent the latter the "proofs" of what would be published as "Classical Bibliography,” Southern Literary Messenger: Devoted to Every Department of Literature and the Fine Arts Vol. II, No. XL (October 1836): pages 677-684. Richmond, Virginia: T. W. White.
Intends to quickly write one or two more articles for White and will send them along.
"Have the goodness to tell Mr. Poe that I had yester-day a second conversation with Saunders and Otley upon the affair of the M.S. that they seem much disposed to become the publishers, here and in England, but can not, apparently, take it upon themselves to decide for their fraternal house abroad. They were anxious, therefore, to have the finished M.S., in order to send it out by the next packet."
Johnston "told them" that the "tales" were not ready for publication, and suggested they send what they had back to Poe so he could finish them for publication in November or December. They would direct what they had to Poe via "your bookseller Smith, or by the regular mode of conveyance." Advise Poe to complete and send back to manuscript "with all possible expedition."
Johnston says he's not likely to "fix" himself in New York City. The local literary publications that he might have worked for are "in a wretched condition," and he doesn't want to do political writing "unless it were in a region where other interests and more reputable principles prevail." He then makes vague references to an opportunity in Washington City, which though he doesn't mention by name, is a reference to plans to revive The Southern Review that were alluded to in a previous post here.
Sends regards to Mrs. White, "and believe me truly yours . . ."
Finally, as a postscript, he directs White to send future correspondence to "Mrs. Ed. W. Johnston" at No. 30, Chapel Street, N. York. And, he intends to "go South in a week or 10 days."
[Many thanks to Natalie Zelt, American Studies -- who in June 2014 was Public Services Intern at the Harry Ransom Center -- for assisting in scanning and processing the original letter at that time.]
[Thomas Willis White (1788-1843), founding editor and publisher of The Southern Literary Messenger, which began publication in 1834.
Edgar Allan Poe (1809-1849) was White's assistant from mid-1835 until early 1837 -- Poe basically took over as editor for most of his rocky tenure.
Edward William Johnston (1799-1867)
Saunders & Otley = Simon Saunders and Edward John Otley, Librarians and Publishers to the Queen, Brook Street, Grosvenor Square, London.
The address given of 30, Chapel Street, N. York, is that of the hotel and restaurant owned and operated by Jerome De Cressac Villagrand (1776-1845), stepfather of Edward's wife, Marie Antoinette Estelle Costar (De Cressac Villagrand) Johnston (circa 1802-1848).]
[Many thanks to William Myers, Mary Davy, Sally Young and Sue Davis for their ongoing research collaboration.]
Sunday, February 5, 2017
Edward William Johnston to Langdon Cheves, Jr., September 25, 1836
[Edward William Johnston at New York City to Langdon Cheves, Jr., Attorney at Law, at Columbia, South Carolina, September 25, 1835. Cheves Family Papers (1808-1934), South Caroliniana Library, University of South Carolina. This is my rough transcription. Note that in the original, Johnston's text frequently employs the old-fashioned "long s" -- i.e., when the letter "s" is doubled up in a word, the first "s" looks more like a lower case "f." Extra paragraph breaks added for easier reading.]
Dear Cheves
My arrival here, 5 days ago, gave me your first letter; and your second came yesterday. The latter lets me see that you understand why the former remained unnoticed: and tho', perhaps, this is the very occasion for giving a large to excuse it -- because, for this once, I might make them with every advantage of a good cause. I shall spare you, 'till my eloquence finds some more pressing occasion to exert itself.
You give me the only written news I have of Columbia. Of the heavy festivities of your ermined buffoons, there is nothing to be said in any thing so dangerously tending towards somnolence as a letter. I pass by, therefore, a subject so infectious of dulness [dullness].
Your history of the ravages which those horrible barbarians of the Sand-hills are committing among the trout is certainly the most appalling story that has been written since Nennius, that Celtic Jeremiah wrote (or wept) his de excidio Britannia.
How different the tale, which I have to relate, of a four-days expedition, on foot, with but a single companion, into the wildest recesses of the Virginia mountains! How you will glow, when I tell you of the 53 speckled trout caught in a day! How you will turn pale with envy, to hear how we climbed untrodden hills and plunged thro' torrents never visited before! And then, the scenery! -- whatever of picturesque, black forests and gigantic mountains and vast rocks, and wild clear streams falling into continual cascades, can offer by their most fantastic combination.
My forte is certainly spirited description and stirring narrative: but, upon an occasion, like the present, where, if I shine, I am sure to make a friend unhappy, I know how to forbear. Do I not know that, with all my self-control in hiding from you all the fairest part of the picture, you will yet have seen enough to through you into a nympholepay, with which I shall find you wasting away, when I return.
Of the other part -- the civil part, as it might be called -- of my adventures in Virginia, it is hardly worth while to speak. I shall go on with the undertaking as to Mr. Henry. I have gleaned much that is of interest; and am in the way to get more. I am satisfied in one particular especially -- that I can turn to miracle of his eloquence and all that, into a regular result from education and laborious attainment, He was a far-better educated man than his marvel-loving biographer -- that I am sure of. Among other things, I have a complete list of the library which he left at his death, It is, for that day, a very large one, and made up as if by one whose active and inquiring mind embraced every thing. There is, too, an unusual quantity of Latin, with some Greek, and French enough to show that even this had caught his attention.
It will, however, interest you, more than all this, to hear of the progress of my designs, as to future occupation. I need not particularly mention several abortive affairs, that have been presented to me: nor can I speak of any thing here, where my perquisitions have, as yet, been very slight. An offer had been made to me, at Washington, which I am much more disposed to embrace than any thing else at all likely to present itslef. Duff Green, you are aware, has in the strangest manner, turned all his great imaginations into gold-realising, from one of his many charters alone, some 700,000 dollars for himself and most immediate associates.
He is, therefore, in the most successful state; and, with his present resources, able safely to undertake the design in which he is anxious to engage me -- that of re-establishing the Southern Review, at the head of which he wishes to place me. In the attempt, he has the zealous concurrence of those who are most able to promote its success -- Preston, Calhoun & Hamilton; who are to aid him, during an expedition he is presently making to Georgia, Carolina & Virginia, in organizing the matter. Of course, till all is arranged with the Southern public -- who will form, in some sort, the company, the Stockholders of the affair -- he can make no positive arrangement with me; but can only engage for the intentions & efforts of himself and his friends (to whom I may add my own) to fix the matter, with a good sound compensation, upon me.
I should, for reasons that you can easily divine, prefer this position to any other at all attainable to me, even tho' such might be, in point of mere profit & income, a good deal more advantageous. I cannot, in truth, abandon the South without an extreme an extreme reluctance.
In the view, therefore, of securing this matter, my present purpose is, to glance around me here enough to survey the ground against any contrary event, and to pass some 2 or 3 weeks in cultivation of certain general literary objects, that belong to this undertaking. After that, I must get back at my post, and endeavor to assist in furthering the general scheme, as well as in promoting my own particular part in it.
In both these, you and those other friends to whom you can speak, must bestir yourselves for me, without delay. I know that set [line inked out] will fix their eyes upon a totally different person -- namely Legaré. He, however, is lucky, but still little disposed to second them, and more luckily still, is unfit for the thing in every thing but talents. Superior as his are, you know how totally unworthy to be trusted he is, in general political views -- of which this thing is, of course, to be a leading organ: and how dangerous he is, in the Special matter of Slavery -- one of the chief concerns of the plan. In this, his timidity is more to be dreaded than even the treachery of Pinckney.
Preston is more particularly Duff Green's counsellor in his choice of me. You can, therefore, talk with him freely. Afterwards, do whatever, upon consultation, may seem likely to be effectual.
You know that I have been so much occupied, in idea, with this matter, that I am entirely prepared to give it the strongest organization, in point of literary plan and the concert of collaborateurs. Of both of these, I have great confidence in our resources, as I am sure of being able to muster them.
I can secure, at once, 8 or 9 good writers, of different casts, to give an article each, for every number. This is enough for the body of the work. An irregular corps of 30 more can be enlisted; whose contributions will make up all the occasional matter. My plan will be, to make nearly 1/2 the matter of a miscellaneous & popular cast, so that it may in some sort, combine the Review & the Magazine. Syd can tell you more particularly of all this.
I regret exceedinly the plan of Sausure [De Saussure?], or rather its necessity. Nobody knows better, or loves better, his worth and that of his wife, than Estelle & I. We love them, both for themselves, and as members of a family, who we esteem above all others in Cal'a [Carolina]. I do not except Ellen, whom we regard as misled, though pardonable influence, and whom we entirely excuse, as a child.
Farewell. If you do not hear from me again, you shall see me. Do not think me negligent of writing, from the example of past. I never am so, except under circumstances that render the contrary almost impossible. My wife sends you her most affectionate remembrance. Neither of us will easily come to form any image of an agreeable life, in which the old familiar, fraternal intercourse with you shall not be a part.
Ever truly yours
Ed. Wm. Johnston
[Edward William Johnston (1799-1867). He had written an article for The Southern Review in 1831 and completed an article for The Southern Literary Messenger in 1836.
Marie Antoinette Estelle Costar (De Cressac Villagrand) Johnston (circa 1802-1848)
Langon Cheves, Jr. (1814-1863), pro-secessionist, later killed in action during the American Civil War.
Henry = Patrick Henry (1736-1799)
Duff Green (1791-1875). Former editor of US Telegraph, pro-Andrew Jackson until he tilted toward John C. Calhoun. Sometime in 1837, he established the short-lived The Reformer.
Preston = William Campbell Preston (1794-1860), US Senator for South Carolina.
Calhoun = John Caldwell Calhoun (1782-1850), US Senator for South Carolina.
Hamilton = James Hamilton, Jr. (1786-1857), former Nullifier.
Legaré = Hugh Swinton Legaré (1797-1843), in Europe at the time. Former editor of The Southern Review, which folded in 1832.
Pickney = probably South Carolina Congressman Henry C. Pinckney
Syd = Algernon Sidney Johnston (1801-1852)
William Ford De Saussure (1792-1870), married to Sarah Jones Davie De Saussure (1793-1854), part of the Columbia socio-political elite.
Ellen = [?]
Note: The Southern Review resurrection project apparently did not come to fruition.].
[Thanks to D. Travis Brand, Library Specialist, South Caroliniana Library (SCL), University of South Carolina (USC), for providing a scan of the original that also included a partial typed transcript. Thanks also to Jessica Crouch, Archivist at USC as well as to Mike Berry of the SCL.]
[Many thanks to William Myers, Mary Davy, Sally Young and Sue Davis for their ongoing research collaboration.]
N. York, Sept. 25th 1836
Dear Cheves
My arrival here, 5 days ago, gave me your first letter; and your second came yesterday. The latter lets me see that you understand why the former remained unnoticed: and tho', perhaps, this is the very occasion for giving a large to excuse it -- because, for this once, I might make them with every advantage of a good cause. I shall spare you, 'till my eloquence finds some more pressing occasion to exert itself.
You give me the only written news I have of Columbia. Of the heavy festivities of your ermined buffoons, there is nothing to be said in any thing so dangerously tending towards somnolence as a letter. I pass by, therefore, a subject so infectious of dulness [dullness].
Your history of the ravages which those horrible barbarians of the Sand-hills are committing among the trout is certainly the most appalling story that has been written since Nennius, that Celtic Jeremiah wrote (or wept) his de excidio Britannia.
How different the tale, which I have to relate, of a four-days expedition, on foot, with but a single companion, into the wildest recesses of the Virginia mountains! How you will glow, when I tell you of the 53 speckled trout caught in a day! How you will turn pale with envy, to hear how we climbed untrodden hills and plunged thro' torrents never visited before! And then, the scenery! -- whatever of picturesque, black forests and gigantic mountains and vast rocks, and wild clear streams falling into continual cascades, can offer by their most fantastic combination.
My forte is certainly spirited description and stirring narrative: but, upon an occasion, like the present, where, if I shine, I am sure to make a friend unhappy, I know how to forbear. Do I not know that, with all my self-control in hiding from you all the fairest part of the picture, you will yet have seen enough to through you into a nympholepay, with which I shall find you wasting away, when I return.
Of the other part -- the civil part, as it might be called -- of my adventures in Virginia, it is hardly worth while to speak. I shall go on with the undertaking as to Mr. Henry. I have gleaned much that is of interest; and am in the way to get more. I am satisfied in one particular especially -- that I can turn to miracle of his eloquence and all that, into a regular result from education and laborious attainment, He was a far-better educated man than his marvel-loving biographer -- that I am sure of. Among other things, I have a complete list of the library which he left at his death, It is, for that day, a very large one, and made up as if by one whose active and inquiring mind embraced every thing. There is, too, an unusual quantity of Latin, with some Greek, and French enough to show that even this had caught his attention.
It will, however, interest you, more than all this, to hear of the progress of my designs, as to future occupation. I need not particularly mention several abortive affairs, that have been presented to me: nor can I speak of any thing here, where my perquisitions have, as yet, been very slight. An offer had been made to me, at Washington, which I am much more disposed to embrace than any thing else at all likely to present itslef. Duff Green, you are aware, has in the strangest manner, turned all his great imaginations into gold-realising, from one of his many charters alone, some 700,000 dollars for himself and most immediate associates.
He is, therefore, in the most successful state; and, with his present resources, able safely to undertake the design in which he is anxious to engage me -- that of re-establishing the Southern Review, at the head of which he wishes to place me. In the attempt, he has the zealous concurrence of those who are most able to promote its success -- Preston, Calhoun & Hamilton; who are to aid him, during an expedition he is presently making to Georgia, Carolina & Virginia, in organizing the matter. Of course, till all is arranged with the Southern public -- who will form, in some sort, the company, the Stockholders of the affair -- he can make no positive arrangement with me; but can only engage for the intentions & efforts of himself and his friends (to whom I may add my own) to fix the matter, with a good sound compensation, upon me.
I should, for reasons that you can easily divine, prefer this position to any other at all attainable to me, even tho' such might be, in point of mere profit & income, a good deal more advantageous. I cannot, in truth, abandon the South without an extreme an extreme reluctance.
In the view, therefore, of securing this matter, my present purpose is, to glance around me here enough to survey the ground against any contrary event, and to pass some 2 or 3 weeks in cultivation of certain general literary objects, that belong to this undertaking. After that, I must get back at my post, and endeavor to assist in furthering the general scheme, as well as in promoting my own particular part in it.
In both these, you and those other friends to whom you can speak, must bestir yourselves for me, without delay. I know that set [line inked out] will fix their eyes upon a totally different person -- namely Legaré. He, however, is lucky, but still little disposed to second them, and more luckily still, is unfit for the thing in every thing but talents. Superior as his are, you know how totally unworthy to be trusted he is, in general political views -- of which this thing is, of course, to be a leading organ: and how dangerous he is, in the Special matter of Slavery -- one of the chief concerns of the plan. In this, his timidity is more to be dreaded than even the treachery of Pinckney.
Preston is more particularly Duff Green's counsellor in his choice of me. You can, therefore, talk with him freely. Afterwards, do whatever, upon consultation, may seem likely to be effectual.
You know that I have been so much occupied, in idea, with this matter, that I am entirely prepared to give it the strongest organization, in point of literary plan and the concert of collaborateurs. Of both of these, I have great confidence in our resources, as I am sure of being able to muster them.
I can secure, at once, 8 or 9 good writers, of different casts, to give an article each, for every number. This is enough for the body of the work. An irregular corps of 30 more can be enlisted; whose contributions will make up all the occasional matter. My plan will be, to make nearly 1/2 the matter of a miscellaneous & popular cast, so that it may in some sort, combine the Review & the Magazine. Syd can tell you more particularly of all this.
I regret exceedinly the plan of Sausure [De Saussure?], or rather its necessity. Nobody knows better, or loves better, his worth and that of his wife, than Estelle & I. We love them, both for themselves, and as members of a family, who we esteem above all others in Cal'a [Carolina]. I do not except Ellen, whom we regard as misled, though pardonable influence, and whom we entirely excuse, as a child.
Farewell. If you do not hear from me again, you shall see me. Do not think me negligent of writing, from the example of past. I never am so, except under circumstances that render the contrary almost impossible. My wife sends you her most affectionate remembrance. Neither of us will easily come to form any image of an agreeable life, in which the old familiar, fraternal intercourse with you shall not be a part.
Ever truly yours
Ed. Wm. Johnston
[Edward William Johnston (1799-1867). He had written an article for The Southern Review in 1831 and completed an article for The Southern Literary Messenger in 1836.
Marie Antoinette Estelle Costar (De Cressac Villagrand) Johnston (circa 1802-1848)
Langon Cheves, Jr. (1814-1863), pro-secessionist, later killed in action during the American Civil War.
Henry = Patrick Henry (1736-1799)
Duff Green (1791-1875). Former editor of US Telegraph, pro-Andrew Jackson until he tilted toward John C. Calhoun. Sometime in 1837, he established the short-lived The Reformer.
Preston = William Campbell Preston (1794-1860), US Senator for South Carolina.
Calhoun = John Caldwell Calhoun (1782-1850), US Senator for South Carolina.
Hamilton = James Hamilton, Jr. (1786-1857), former Nullifier.
Legaré = Hugh Swinton Legaré (1797-1843), in Europe at the time. Former editor of The Southern Review, which folded in 1832.
Pickney = probably South Carolina Congressman Henry C. Pinckney
Syd = Algernon Sidney Johnston (1801-1852)
William Ford De Saussure (1792-1870), married to Sarah Jones Davie De Saussure (1793-1854), part of the Columbia socio-political elite.
Ellen = [?]
Note: The Southern Review resurrection project apparently did not come to fruition.].
[Thanks to D. Travis Brand, Library Specialist, South Caroliniana Library (SCL), University of South Carolina (USC), for providing a scan of the original that also included a partial typed transcript. Thanks also to Jessica Crouch, Archivist at USC as well as to Mike Berry of the SCL.]
[Many thanks to William Myers, Mary Davy, Sally Young and Sue Davis for their ongoing research collaboration.]
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