[John Milton Binckley, “The Death Penalty.” The Lakeside Monthly. Vol. IX. January to June, 1873. Chicago: F. F. Browne and Company, 1873. Part 2: pages 329-331. Extra paragraph breaks made for easier reading.]
Nevertheless,** remedy must be in great degree legislative. The hideous cruelty of the criminal judiciary of old, even at the hands of judges like Sir Matthew Hale, developed that minuteness and refinement of technical casuistry known as quibbling, a perversion which sheer humanity upheld for ages, to avert the sanguinary and remorseless sentence of the law.
Nevertheless,** remedy must be in great degree legislative. The hideous cruelty of the criminal judiciary of old, even at the hands of judges like Sir Matthew Hale, developed that minuteness and refinement of technical casuistry known as quibbling, a perversion which sheer humanity upheld for ages, to avert the sanguinary and remorseless sentence of the law.
Hence
it has been honorable to affect to treat as matter of reasonable defence sophistries
of a grade to which counsel do not descend in civil causes. The custom in its
day was but strategy of justice; but it has long survived its reason, and,
therefore, its dignity, and ought to go down to the shysters faster than it is
doing.
But
to legislate a change of manners is not to be thought of. Yet any incident of a
statute which should operate to withdraw the motive, would effect the
improvement. Such might be an incident of a statute directly adapted to modify
the judgment on error in capital cases. Let it be a mere proviso that judgment
of reversal in a capital case shall be inoperative of course, thereby better
guarding innocence than now; while, on the other hand, the disclosed certainty
of his substantial guilt would end the prisoner's hopes, and with them the distressing
suspense with which the public inevitably and morbidly sympathizes. Indirectly,
as above remarked, it would dignify legal debate; and we hardly know anything
that could more powerfully uphold the waning majesty of the law against the
audacity of American crime.
Most
of the suggestions, however, have been rashly levelled at the system of
jurisprudence itself. But let an intelligent lay man take up an elementary
treatise on procedure, in which he will find for every rule a reason and an
example of it. He, far oftener than the professional reader, will fail to
invent a way to dispense with them, for injustice would seem to have been
unavoidable in any one of the instances cited for the rule, had a different one
prevailed. But the jurist is able to discriminate between methods and
principles, and the sociologist teaches him that the latter are phenomenal rather
than statutory.
It
takes something more, therefore, than the legislature to secure a statutory result
in derogation of a system by whose principles the very meaning of its words is
dictated. Within the practical sphere of legislative reform, however, lie a
vast accumulation of impediments, mostly methods and regulations, which, if
ever wise or humane, are utterly obsolete. Of these, it appears to the writer,
the most odious is the method still in use for executing the capital sentence.
It
is not conceivable that if left to the necessity of contriving a mode of taking
life judicially, any community in Christendom would, in this age, invent
hanging.
The
most universal feeling in the presence of death is that of solemnity.
It
is simply correlative between the living and the dying — solemnity in the
witness, and mortality in the subject, are so inseparable that all human beings
at once notice any exception.
Now,
a dying man dangling by the neck from a rope, with legs and arms kicking and
tossing in the air, is a spectacle which it is certain must have been expressly
intended to exasperate this sense of solemnity. Hardly anything can be imagined
so well fitted to that result. It was adopted, doubtless, under the mistaken
notion that this unutterable mixture of disgust, horror, pity and sense of
grotesquerie, would be the more instrumental in warning beholders.
But
already the whole theory of deterring crime by horrible spectacles has been so
exploded that the opposite and more enlightened opinion has long constrained a
modified concealment of executions, with acknowledged good results.
Why
retain, then, this hateful indignity to the human form, when the supposed use
of its hatefulness has totally disappeared ? Decency among the rudest becomes a
ruling sentiment on all occasions of solemnity.
Why
this universal demand for ceremony, form, method, order, observance, etiquette,
whether among the artless rustics of the field, the forecastle's reckless
sailors, or the mine's lawless adventurers, whenever the dead are to be buried?
Is
it only because all manner of men have been bred to decorum on certain
occasions? Be it so, then; but how came such a custom to be as universal as the
human race? It is because decency and gravity are strung in the same
heart-string.
But
hanging is all but the grossest indecency to which the body of man could be subjected.
No man can be justly hung; but if one could, no other man's body escapes the
insult.
But
let us examine more particularly where the shoe pinches in this alarming evil
of lax restraint of murderers.
Of
course, whatever will make the designer of a murder more fearful of losing his
own life, will arrest the evil. If this is correct, the criterion of all
propositions is, whether they tend to ward that result? Doubtless, a variety of
co-operating measures may be requisite; but they ought all to tend to increase
the certainty that the punishment prescribed by the law will actually be
experienced. If this certainty should ever become a clear, prevalent
presumption in the general mind, it would even touch the doctrinal question itself.
In proportion as his punishment appeared to him inevitable, the murderer's act
would be a suicide as well as a homicide. And
if there is any person whose conscience would be hurt by capital punishment
inflicted by the murderer himself, he may coddle his remorse without our
attempting to alleviate it.
If
society constructs a machine for great and transcendent uses, but so operating
that if a man chooses to pull a forbidden string, some automatic sword cuts his
head off, it can have on its conscience the blood of no person who knowingly
and voluntarily pulls that string.
But
what is the difference between the metaphorical and the actual civil organism,
except that the automatic attachment of the latter is so bungling and precarious
that it only tempts the viciously foolhardy?
Now,
the public conscience may well be and is disturbed at this defect. It is the
botchery of the taking obvious to all men the interdependence between the crime
and its penalty. How shall this be done?
First,
by providing a method of execution solemnized by every decency that befits the
appointed dissolution of a fellow-man. Let the murderer die with whatever
rational dignity he may be able to command. Let him pass away in peace, with
his faculties about him, without the detestable incongruities of a
gallows-scene, which now drive him into savage hardihood, or else distract
bystanders with the humiliating anguish of seeing a fellow-man bestially unable
to consent to death.
We
have no fancy for any particular way; for illustration, however, suppose it the
prescribed order to conduct him early in the morning to his home, bring a guard
around his house, leave him with his family and friends, without intrusion,
until, at such moment before sunset as he should give the signal, a public
officer, accompanied by a chaplain and a physician should enter, with due
ceremony, present a fatal draught, and witness the act of the perishing man in
decently lying down to sleep.
After
the remains had been disposed for the coffin by the friends, as in natural
death, a suitable roster of witnesses might enter and view the body. It might
be better, too, that persons designated to perform any office which could bring
them into the domicile should be habited in a prescribed costume.
**For
this idea the writer is indebted to the experience and sagacity of a well-known
criminal lawyer of Chicago, who, in reference to the question in Illinois,
proposes that the appellate jurisdiction itself, and not merely the effect of a
judgment of the Supreme Court, should be subjected to the limitation. Possibly the question on which that of jurisdiction would depend, viz.: the substantial guilt or innocence, would be of
less convenient and satisfactory solution in the appellate court than in the
forum of the trial had.
[Many thanks to William Myers, Mary Davy and Sally Young for their ongoing research collaboration.]
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